Chinese  Nationalist  (Kuo  Min  Tang)  Publication 
“Chinese  Politics  Made  Easy”  Series 


Our  Common  Cause 
With  China  Against 
Imperialism  and 
Communism 

by 

PAUL  LINEBARGER 

International  Lawyer  and  Counselor  of  the  late  Dr. 
Sun  Yat  Sen,  (Founder  of  the  Chinese  Republic)  ; U.  S. 
Judge  (Philippines,  1901-1907,  First  Instance) ; Author 
of  Dr.  Sun’s  biography,  “Sun  Yat  Sen  and  the  Chinese 
Republic,”  “Our  Chinese  Chances,”  “Miss  American 
Dollars,”  “The  World  Gone  Mad,”  etc.,  etc.  Founder 
and  Ex-editor-in-chief  of  the  Kuo  Min  Tang  Monthly, 
“The  Chinese  Nationalist,”  etc.,  etc. 


PRICE,  TEN  CENTS 


Published  and  Circulated  By 


KUO-MIN-TANG 

(Chinese  Nationalist  Party). 

424  N.  Los  Angeles  Street, 

LOS  ANGELES,  CALIF. 


BOOKS  BY  PAUL  LINEBARGER 

THE  CENTURY  COMPANY 

353  Fourth  Avenue,  NEW  YORK  CITY 
SUN  YAT  SEN  AND  THE  CHINESE  REPUBLIC 

. . . makes  Sun  Yat  Sen  a vital  interesting  individual  . . . colorful 

and  understandable,  the  life  of  the  Chinese  village. — New  York  Times.  It  is 
probable  that  no  one  will  improve  upon  Linebarger’s  biography  on  the  purely 
personal  side. — Portland  Oregonian.  He  presents  in  outline  a great  and  con- 
sistent career. — St.  Paul  News.  Carries  the  reader  into  the  heart  of  Chinese 
affairs. — Boston  Herald.  Authoritative  picturing. — Cincinnati  Commercial- 
Tribune.  An  authoritative  biography. — International  Book  Review.  One  of 
the  extremely  important  books  of  the  year. — Nashville  Banner.  Judge  Line- 
barger  has  given  an  enlightening  picture. — Boston  Monitor.  Judge  Line- 
barger  is  lucid  . . . writing  manner  cultivated  and  attractive. — Cincin- 

nati Post.  Clearly,  beautifully  sketched. — Chicago  Post. 

For  Copies  in  Chinese,  Please  Apply  to  any  Kuo  Min  Tang  Secretary 

MID-NATION  PUBLISHERS 

535-537  West  Sixty-second  Street,  CHICAGO,  ILL. 

(These  books  were  written  under  the  pen  name  of  “Paul  Myron.”) 

OUR  CHINESE  CHANCES 

Entertaining  account. — Boston  Globe.  A well  informed  book. — Portland 
Oregonian.  Much  valuable  information. — Los  Angeles  Express.  Speaks  with 
authority. — Milwaukee  Journal.  Volume  one  of  interest;  agreeably  written. 
— Providence  Journal.  Written  with  conviction,  authority,  and  obviously 
first-hand  knowledge. — Montreal  Daily  News.  A man  not  only  of  convic- 
tion, but  of  more  than  casual  acquaintance  with  the  Chinese. — New  York 
Independent.  . . . delightful  book  well  illustrated. — Indianapolis  News. 
. . . mine  of  plain  everyday  information. — Washington,  D.  C.  Star. 

. . . Unusually  interesting  and  entertaining. — New  Orleans  Times  Picayune. 

MISS  AMERICAN  DOLLARS 

Grips  the  reader  from  cover  to  cover. — San  Francisco  News-Letter.  Red 
blooded,  robust  story. — Albany  Times-Union.  A rattling  good  story  told  in 
the  author’s  best  style. — Pittsburgh  Press.  The  climax  is  thrilling  and  un- 
expected.— Buffalo  News.  The  war  scenes  are  graphic. — New  York  Evening 
Post.  It’s  good. — Nashville  Tennesseean.  That’s  the  charm  and  wonder  of 
this  master  tale.- — Birmingham  Age-Herald.  Vast  knowledge  of  foreign 
countries. — Chicago  Examiner.  No  reader  is  apt  to  go  to  sleep  over  it. — - 
Boston  Globe.  Stirring  romance. — Book  News  Monthly.  Ouida  and  Archi- 
bald, Clavering,  Gunther  might  have  collaborated  in  writing  this  book. — 
Hartford  Courant.  Interesting  and  illuminating  volume. — Philadelphia  Press. 
A story  whose  timeliness  is  but  one  of  its  chief  charms. — Leslie’s  Weekly. 

BUGLE  RHYMES  FROM  FRANCE 

Breathes  sincerity  and  purpose  and  makes  pictures  in  the  mind. — Detroit 
Free  Press.  Intimate  glimpses  of  soldier  life  and  combat.- — Milwaukee  Jour- 
nal. Spirited  poems. — Spokane  Spokesman-Review.  Exciting  short  stories 
told  in  fascinating  verse. — Gulfport  and  Biloxi  Herald.  Clean  cut  natural 
verse. — Brooklyn  (N.Y.)  Standard  Union.  Few  books  and  fewer  poets  bring 
us  closer  to  the  boys  over  there. — Pittsburgh  Post.  Follows  a well  defined, 
psychological  method. — Seattle  Times.  Paul  Myron  has  done  us  a service. 
— Buffalo  Courier.  Proves  himself  a gifted  American  patriot. — Musical 
Leader.  Never  more  clearly  has  been  interpreted  for  us  the  ideals  and  daily 
experiences  of  the  American  soldier  in  France. — Boston  Transcript.  Spirited 
verse. — Army  and  Navy  Register. 

THIS  SIDE  OF  FRANCE 

A novelty  of  stagecraft.  . . an  hour  of  merriment. — Brooklyn  Standard 

Union.  Clever  and  witty. — Pittsburgh  Post.  Enjoyable  comedy. — Portland 
Oregonian.  Perhaps  the  first  play  ever  written  primarily  for  production  on 
the  natural  setting  of  a ship.  . . amusing  and  clever  plot. — Buffalo 
Courier. 


OUR  COMMON  CAUSE  WITH  CHINA  AGAINST  IMPERIALISM 
AND  COMMUNISM 
by 

PAUL  LINEBARGER 
FOREWORD 

In  the  following  pages  I shall  endeavor  to  give  a synoptic  report 
of  the  considerable  number  of  speeches  which  I have  made  in  Southern 
California,  since  my  return  (December,  1926)  to  America  from  China. 
During  the  past  five  months  I have  devoted  my  entire  time  to  making 
a canvass  and  survey  of  American  reaction  to  the  conditions  existing 
in  China.  I have  tried  to  make  this  survey  and  canvass  in  at  least 
a relatively  uncontroversial  spirit,  although  this  attempt  involved  an 
informational  program  to  prove  that  there  is  actually  no  civil  war  in 
China,  but  merely  a foreign  capitalist  imperialist  siege  of  Chinese 
democracy,  in  which  siege,  imperialist  foreigners  hire  certain  Chinese 
mercenaries  to  betray  their  countrymen.  I selected  Southern  Cali- 
fornia for  this  labor  since  no  section  of  America  has  a higher  or  more 
responsive  standard  of  citizenship  and  none  is  more  involved  and  in- 
terested in  the  questions  presented.  Moreover,  I knew  that  certain 
Southern  Californians  appreciated  the  possibility  that  peaceful  and 
harmonious  relations  with  China  might  eventually  (and  perhaps 
within  the  century)  develop  Los  Angeles  County  into  the  greatest 
civic  center  the  world  has  ever  known. 

Contrasting  this  eager  interest  of  Southern  California  with  the  less 
interested  state  of  the  American  mind  elsewhere,  this  field  appeared 
to  offer  the  best  prospect  of  immediate  reactions. 

METHOD  OF  SURVEY 

Canvassing  individual  representations  of  trades  and  professions  and 
business  men  generally,  supplemented  by  reactions  obtained  from 
speaking  before  clubs  and  organizations  such  as  Long  Beach  Interna- 
tional Union,  Adventurers  Club,  Los  Angeles  American  Civil  Liber- 
ties Union,  Los  Angeles  Fellowship  of  Reconciliation,  Progressive 
State  League,  Belmont  Community  Congregational  Church,  Society  of 
the  Blue  and  the  Grey,  Los  Angeles  Men’s  City  Club,  Long  Beach 
Masonic  Club,  Pasadena  Independent  Voters’  League,  Los  Angeles 
Women’s  City  Club,  Long  Beach  Open  Forum,  Los  Angeles  Cosmos 
Club,  Los  Angeles  Ebell  Club,  Covina  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Long- 
Beach  Social  Study  Club,  Los  Angeles  Friday  Morning  Club,  Pasa- 
dena Open  Forum  and  other  organizations  of  a similar  high  grade. 
Lectures  before  these  and  other  organizations  were  followed  by  a 
question  period  which  developed  sources  of  public  sentiment  in 
the  discussions  which  such  questions  evoked. 

Necessarily,  the  greatest  part  of  this  publication  must  be  devoted 
to  a synoptic  statement  of  what  I have  uttered  in  these  lectures,  for 
otherwise  the  brief  conclusions,  which  I shall  give  at  the  close,  and 
which  set  forth  the  reactions  to  such  statement,  would  be  of  no  value. 
I regret  that  I can  give  in  this  very  new  field  so  few  conclusions  of 
reactions.  The  work  has  been  pioneer  and  has  involved  much  diffi- 
culty. I shall  let  the  reader  judge  whether  it  has  been  of  any  actual 
value.  I have  been  alone  and  single-handed  and  it  is  hard  to  do  one’s 
very  best  under  such  circumstances. 


********* 

3 


SYNOPTIC  STATEMENT  OF  LECTURES 
AN  HISTORIC  PARALELL  THAT  COMES  HOME  TO  US 

On  October  24,  1S71,  in  Los  Angeles,  California,  American  citizens 
hunted  out  fifteen  law-abiding,  peaceful  Chinese,  and  with  no  other 
provocation  than  the  fact  that  they  did  not  want  Chinese  in  America, 
these  alleged  citizens  hung  each  and  all  of  these  Chinese  by  the 
neck  until  they  were  dead.  These  alleged  citizens  likewise  hunted 
out  six  other  Chinese  and  these  they  shot  to  death  one  by  one  in  an 
expression  of  deliberate  and  fiendish  malice  toward  the  whole  race  of 
China.  These  alleged  citizens  must  have  been  men  of  a prominence 
that  made  them  immune  from  justice,  for  their  standing  was  such 
that  according  to  the  coroner’s  inquest  “the  Chinese  had  met  their 
death  in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  the  Police  to  protect  them,” 
which  is  a plain  indication  that  even  the  coroner’s  jury  likewise  did 
not  care  to  point  the  finger  of  accusation  at  any  of  the  murderers. 

Now  to  understand  the  extraterritorial  situation  as  Imperialism  has 
chained  it  on  to  China  today,  let  us  imagine  that  when  the  Chinese 
government  learned  of  these  murders,  that  it  immediately  sent  a fleet 
of  gun  boa.ts  to  occupy  the  principal  ports  of  America,  with  this  pro- 
nunciamento:  “You  Americans  are  barbarians.  You  do  not  have  a 
strong  government  as  do  we,  to  protect  society  from  murderers.  We 
shall  not  allow  your  barbarous  citizens  to  murder  our  civilized,  law- 
abiding  Chinese.  Therefore,  we  shall  take  possession  of  certain  ports 
and  parts  of  America  and  hold  them  by  force  of  our  arms,  until  we 
decide  that  you  have  advanced  sufficiently  along  the  road  of  our 
Chinese  civilization  to  give  assurances  that  you  can  administer  justice 
and  punish  murderers.  Moreover,  since  it  will  be  a long  time  before 
you  become  civilized  like  China,  we  shall  establish  our  own  system  of 
courts  in  America,  and  you  shall  have  to  have  your  cases  tried  by  our 
Chinese  judges  in  the  above  named  ports  and  parts  of  America,  for 
you  are  so  uncivilized  that  we  cannot  allow  your  astrocious  barbarism 
to  decide  the  matters  involving  the  life  and  property  of  law-abiding 
and  civilized  men  such  as  we. 

“However,  should  we  decide  in  the  remote  future  that  you  have 
proceeded  far  enough  along  the  way  of  Chinese  civilization  in  imita- 
tion of  our  Chinese  justice  and  order,  to  give  us  guarantees  that  no 
further  murders  of  our  citizens  will  occur,  then  perhaps  we  shall  con- 
sider withdrawing  our  gunboats  and  restoring  to  you  your  American 
authority  over  America. 

“Moreover,  we  as  civilized  men  (deploring  greatly  your  American 
inability  to  govern  yourselves)  find  that  in  your  American  interests  as 
well  as  our  own,  that  it  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  take  over  your 
customs  service  and  collect  your  revenues  so  that  they  may  be  prop- 
erly disbursed  by  us.  Actuated  by  the  highest  motives  of  our  Chi- 
nese philosophy,  we  shall  pay  to  the  representatives  of  your  American 
government  (as  long  as  they  are  duly  accredited  and  respectful  to 
the  treaties)  whatever  may  be  left  over  from  the  collections  of  your 
maritime  customs,  so  that  you  will  have  money  with  which  to  run  your 
government.  By  this  act  of  generosity  we  shall  prove  to  you  and  to 
the  world  that  we  are  not  actuated  by  any  other  save  the  motive  of 
helping  you  get  out  of  the  slough  of  barbarism,  up  onto  our  path  of 
Chinese  civilization.  We  shall  put  the  import  customs  duty  down  to 
only  five  per  cent  ad  valorem,  instead  of  the  sixty  per  cent  which 
you  say  is  necessary  to  run  your  government  and  protect  your  own 
industries,  for  you,  as  Americans,  are  so  barbarous  and  we  are  so 
civilized  as  Chinese,  that  we  do  not  think  that  we  should  allow  you,  as 

4 


barbarians,  any  advantage  whatsoever  over  us  until  you  have  pro- 
gressed sufficiently  in  our  Chinese  civilization  to  satisfy  us  of  your 
sincere  desire  to  become  civilized  according  to  our  Chinese  way  of 
four  thousand  years.” 

Only  the  Imperialist  of  the  dullest  imagination  will  fail  to  admit 
that  substituting  the  word  “Chinese”  for  “American”  and  vice  versa, 
the  above  comparison  describes  the  situation  of  China’s  enslavement 
today. 

THE  BOLSHEVIST  REMEDY  FOR  CHINA’S  FREEDOM 
FROM  IMPERIALISM 

China  has  three  great  neighbors,  which  named  in  point  of  their 
economic  and  political  influence  over  China  are:  America,  Japan  and 
Russia.  Of  these  great  neighbors  only  one  has  left  the  ranks  of  im- 
perialistic oppression  and  offered  China  assistance.  Unfortunately  for 
Americans,  Communistic  Russia  of  all  the  great  nations  has  been  the 
only  power  that  has  declared  that  the  Imperialist  strangle  hold  on 
China  must  be  loosened.  I say,  it  is  unfortunate  for  us  as  Americans, 
because  thereby  we  are  put  at  a greater  disadvantage  in  combating 
the  insiduous  growth  of  communism  not  only  in  England  and  Europe, 
but  indeed,  even  here  in  America.  For  on  the  theory  that  thrice  is 
he  armed  who  has  his  quarrel  just,  all  fair-minded  men  must  agree, 
that  godless  Russia,  regardless  of  its  motives,  has  in  its  attitude 
toward  China  come  nearer  to  following  the  teachings  of  Christ,  than 
any  of  the  nations  that  profess  His  life  as  a faith.  One  of  the  first 
organized  acts  of  Soviet  Russia  was  to  renounce  its  unequal  treaties 
with  China  and  to  tender  it  as  an  equal,  the  hand  of  fellowship. 

IMPERIALISTIC  PROPAGANDA  AGAINST  RED  CHINA 

Imperialism  instead  of  trying  to  meet  the  Bolshevist  tender  of 
friendship  toward  China  by  the  fair  means  of  beating  the  Soviets,  by 
likewise  granting  China  independence  from  foreign  control,  pursued 
its  usual  ruthless  imperialistic  method  by  announcing  to  the  world 
through  a most  expensive  propaganda,  that  China  being  now  red 
(which  it  is  not,  and  cannot  be  if  democratic  constitutional  America 
assists  China  to  obtain  its  freedom  from  the  Imperialistic  throttle 
hold),  no  quarter  should  be  given  it,  but  that  the  use  of  an  armed 
force  be  employed  to  the  utmost  to  further  strangle  China.  On  the 
occasion  on  my  return  from  the  first  of  two  journeys  I made  to 
China  last  year  (1926),  I gave  out  interviews  to  the  American  press, 
declaring  that  a “Red  China”  was  only  a hocus  pocus  Imperialist 
propaganda,  and  my  interviewers  looked  at  me  incredulously.  Now, 
however*,  even  the  most  irreconcilible  Imperialist  knows  that  this 
anti-red  China  propaganda  can  no  longer  be  manufactured  at  a profit, 
for  the  whole  march  of  General  Chiang  Kai  Chek’s  victorious  army, 
all  the  way  from  Canton  to  Shanghai  via  Hankow,  has  demonstrated 
that  the  nationalist  armies  are  fighting  merely  against  a foreign 
invasion  and  the  subsidized  native  troops  of  that  invasion,  and  not 
for  communistic  doctrines.  China  will  only  accept  Communism  as  a 
last  alternative,  and  never  if  America  offers  China  genuine  friendship. 

WHY  INTERNATIONAL  IMPERIALISM  STRANGLES 
DEMOCRATIC  CHINA 

We  have  not  in  mentioning  China’s  great  neighbors  called  England 
a neighbor  of  China,  for  her  presence  in  China  is  merely  a part  of  its 
gunboat  control  of  the  great  seas.  Of  all  the  countries  of  the  earth 
England  is  the  last  to  have  any  neighborly  rights  with  China,  for  not 
only  is  it  on  the  other  side  of  the  world  from.  China,  but  has  less  in 

5 


common  by  reason  of  its  Imperialism  than  any  other  nation.  America, 
Japan  and  Russia  on  the  contrary  have  most  vital  interests  in  China, 
foremost  among  which  is  the  right  of  political  expression  in  the  many 
ways  which  contiguous  territory  involve,  and  which  result  in 
peace  or  war. 

Imperialistic  England,  however,  seeks  to  excuse  itself  for  its  in- 
terference in  China  on  the  ground  that  it  must  not  only  protect  Aus- 
tralia, but  also  the  Straits  Settlements,  India  and  all  the  other  se- 
quence of  its  possessions,  which  its  gunboats  control  between  the 
merry  land  of  the  Masters  of  the  sea  and  the  scenes  of  their  activities. 
Australia  however,  has  shown  that  it  possesses  a power  of  self  govern- 
ment and  a genius  of  diplomacy,  that  is  far  more  enduring  than  any 
armed  assistance  that  England  can  give.  The  world’s  history  shows 
that  a land  like  self-sufficient  Australia  survives  when  military  col- 
lossi  go  down  in  shambles.  Moreover,  in  the  frequent  exchange  of 
views  I have  had  with  Australians,  I do  not  find  that  the  Australian  is 
overwhelmed  with  gratitude  at  the  benevolent  gunboat  protection 
which  England  boasts  she  gives  to  Australia.  I think  that  the  ma- 
jority of  Australians  will  bear  me  out  in  the  declaration  that  the 
moral  support  of  the  United  States  is  of  more  value  to  them  than 
the  military  and  naval  strength  of  England,  chasing  itself  like  a will- 
’o-the-wisp  over  the  face  of  the  whole  globe,  and  extracting  rather 
than  giving  support  to  those  peoples  which  it  claims  to  protect.  Inci- 
dentally, I do  not  wonder  that  the  English  give  the  Australians  small 
credit  for  one  of  the  most  thrilling  achievements  of  the  Great  War, 
the  capture  of  the  “Emden,”  for  as  the  British  Master  expressed  him- 
self as  he  pointed  over  toward  the  island  where  the  capture  was  ef- 
fected, “It  was  only  a boy’s  work  anyhow.”  But  this  sample  of  a 
boy’s  work  is  indicative  of  what  the  boy  Australian  can  do.  With 
the  fine  moral  fibre  and  independence  of  the  Australian,  “this  boy’s” 
work  applied  to  diplomacy,  will  do  more  in  solving  peaceably  and 
successfully,  our  racial  questions  on  the  Pacific  than  Hanoverian 
Imperialism. 

CHINA’S  DOMINATION  NOT  NEEDFUL  TO 
ENGLISH  DEMOCRACY 

We  shall  digress  here  to  remark  that  England  would  be  a much 
happier  and  successful  country  if  it  would  abandon  its  gunboat  policy 
of  world  control.  Loaded  down  with  military  and  war  taxation  to  the 
breaking  point,  England  still  scours  the  seas  with  its  ruinous  warships, 
with  an  army  of  unemployed  at  home,  when  by  trusting  to  the  sturdy 
character  of  English  workmen  and  to  the  unequalled  product  which 
their  experience  and  intelligence  produces,  they  could  compete  suc- 
cessfully in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

It  is  a fallacy  to  believe  that  a great  military  and  naval  program 
of  sustained  conquest  means  success  and  happiness  at  home.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  England,  with  its  millions  of  enlightened  men  and 
women,  will  at  last  be  allowed  to  strike  the  lances  of  their  intelligence 
in  a friendly  joust  with  the  whole  commercial  and  industrial  world, 
instead  of  being  stalemated  in  their  efforts,  by  the  narrow  and  limited 
tracks  marked  out  by  their  gunboats. 

THE  INSTRUMENTS  OF  ENGLAND’S  IMPERIALISTIC 
CONTROL  OF  CHINA 

There  are  many  of  these  of  which  we  shall  briefly  mention : Army 
and  Navy,  international  trade  agreements  of  a private  nature  sanc- 
tioned by  the  War  and  Navy  control;  International  Banking  agree- 
ments, in  which  America  is  heavily  involved;  Certain  Foreign  Mis- 

6 


sionary  Societies;  Large  Pensioner  Groups  of  English  living  in  Eng- 
land upon  money  which  is  derived  from  the  Chinese  customs  and  other 
collections.  In  a word,  England  holds  in  its  hand  a mighty  cat-’o- 
nine  and  more  tails,  with  which  it  is  continually  lashing  away  at  the 
Chinese,  each  one  of  the  tails  made  up  of  a certain  group  (either 
purely  English  or  English  and  International)  of  foreigners.  Each 
of  these  groups  profits  by  the  despoilment  of  the  prostrate  body  of 
China,  chained  and  helpless  under  the  guns  and  bludgeons  of  Im- 
perialism. 

THE  EAST  INDIA  COMPANY 

China’s  troubles  commenced  with  the  first  of  all  these  international 
imperialistic  gangs  or  groups;  which  bears  a much  more  respectable 
name  than  it  is  entitled  to — The  East  India  Company.  A more  ap- 
propriate name  would  be  “THE  FAR  EAST  HORDE  OF  CUT- 
THROATS.” This  company  was  made  up  of  the  worst  type  of  trade 
pirates,  political  buccaneers  and  ruthless  corsairs.  The  history  of  the 
world  gives  us  no  parallel  to  this  mob  of  red-handed  pillagers  and 
depredators,  who  in  part  a product  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  lost  all 
sense  of  humanity  in  their  bestial  disregard  for  aught  of  just  and  in- 
nocent that  opposed  them  in  their  greed  for  gold.  Their  slogan  was, 
“China’s  gold  or  China’s  head,”  acclaimed  with  great  confidence  for 
they  knew  that  China,  with  its  peace  of  thousands  of  years,  never  for 
a moment  thought  of  stemming  the  tide  of  the  East  India  Cut-throat 
invasion. 

WHY  ENGLAND  INVADED  CHINA 

The  East  India  Company,  as  the  ruler  of  India,  had  for  a con- 
siderable period  taken  great  treasures  from  India,  and  had  ruthless- 
ly dispoiled  it  of  all  its  transportable  wealth.  When  the  English  had 
already  looted  India  to  the  limit,  great  was  their  exasperation  to  find 
that  India  was  becoming  a liability  rather  than  an  asset.  India  was 
not  only  going  bankrupt  but  its  poverty  was  so  appalling  that  it  of- 
fered no  hope  of  any  economic  comeback.  For  years  the  English 
buccaneers  had  looked  longingly  at  the  rich  markets  of  China,  with 
little  hope  that  they  would  be  able  to  carry  away  their  treasures. 
Neither  India  nor  even  England  itself  had  much  of  wares  to  tempt 
the  Chinese  buyer,  for  the  Chinese  were  then,  as  they  had  been  for 
thousands  of  years,  entirely  self-sufFicient  and  self-sustaining  in  their 
economic  life.  In  their  dispair  in  trying  to  put  India  on  its  feet,  the 
English  buccaneers  finally  hit  upon  a plan  of  robbing  China,  which 
for  diabolical  cunning,  surpasses  the  malevolent  genius  of  the  most 
successful  American  bootlegger  of  today.  This  plan  was  to  try  to 
fasten  the  vice  of  opium  smoking  upon  the  Chinese,  for  the  English 
knew  that  all  men  regardless  of  race  succumbed  to  the  debauchery 
of  opium,  and  that  if  they  could  obtain  the  entering  wedge  of  the  in- 
troduction of  the  opium  vice  in  China,  that  they  would  thus  be  able 
to  put  India  back  on  its  feet,  with  the  great  treasure  which  would 
pour  in  from  China,  from  the  purchase  of  the  poppy  product.  The 
poppy  grows  like  a weed  in  India  and  the  cost  of  opium  production  is 
negligible,  compared  with  the  prices  which  men  of  all  times  have 
been  willing  to  pay  for  the  drug. 

OPIUM  PRACTICALLY  UNKNOWN  IN  CHINA 
BEFORE  FOREIGN  INTRODUCTION 

As  far  back  as  973  A.  D.,  we  find  in  the  “Chinese  Her- 
balist Treasury”  the  mention  of  the  opium  producing  poppy  for  medi- 
cinal use.  The  Chinese  however  had  never  used  the  drug  for  other 

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than  medicinal  purposes,  until  the  East  India  Company  launched  its 
trade  campaign  for  its  illicit  sale  in  China.  Beginning  this  insiduous 
and  wicked  campaign  for  the  debauchery  of  the  Chinese  as  early  as 
1790,  they  had  in  a single  twelve-month  introduced  and  sold  4054 
chests  of  Indian  opium.  Once  introduced  the  sale  increased  by  leaps 
and  bounds.  The  “Harriet”  with  three  smaller  sister  ships,  of  the 
Company  took  away  from  China  $430,000  in  gold  and  silver,  an 
enormous  sum  amounting  to  perhaps  the  equivalent  of  ten  times 
that  amount  today.  Frantically,  Chinese  authorities  attempted  to 
suppress  the  traffic,  punishing  the  users  of  opium  with  Cangue  (pil- 
lory), Bamboo  (flogging)  and  even  death  by  strangulation,  but  their 
efforts  were  futile,  for  the  insiduous  and  carefully  advanced  English 
plans  overcame  even  the  vigilance  of  the  law  abiding. 

Supposing  that  immediately  after  our  war  of  1812,  that  we  had 
promulgated  the  Volstead  act,  and  that  England,  with  the  other 
principal  nations  of  Europe  had  forced  us  to  buy  their  whiskey, 
brandies,  and  wines.  Do  you  think  that  we  could  have  made  any 
headway  against  their  armed  insistance  that  we  continue  to  allow 
their  prohibited  product  to  enter?  So  it  was  with  the  Chinese  after 
the  Opium  War. 

OPIUM  AN  ECONOMIC  AS  WELL  AS  A MORAL  ISSUE 

I should  here  make  a passing  explanation  of  the  reasons  for  Chinese 
opposition  to  the  foreign  introduction  of  opium.  The  moral  opposi- 
tion was  great,  but  the  economic  opposition  was  equally  strong.  In 
those  days  as  now,  gold  and  silver  reserves  were  highly  essential  to 
trade  prosperity.  The  English  had  to  drain  their  own  countries  of 
gold  and  silver  in  order  to  pay  for  the  tea,  rhubarb  and  other  pro- 
ducts which  they  could  not  obtain  elsewhere;  for  tea  particularly 
had  become  an  essential  product  of  English  use,  and  the  Chinese  re- 
quired that  its  purchase  be  paid  for  in  gold  or  silver,  since  in  their 
own  self-sufficiency  (as  above  noted),  they  did  not  need  English 
products. 

As  soon  as  the  English  had  their  opium  debauchery  campaign  well 
organized  in  China,  not  only  were  they  able  to  drain  away  from  China 
all  its  gold  and  silver,  but  indeed,  take  for  themselves  a great  treasure 
in  other  products,  for  which  they  paid  only  in  opium. 

THE  HONG  KONG  GANG 

This  designation  is  given  to  those  foreigners,  (chiefly  English),  who 
following  the  precedents  of  the  East  India  Gang,  hope  to  control 
China  by  foreign  gunboat  rule. 

When  the  East  India  Company  was  dissolved,  many  of  its  members 
organized  themselves  into  trading  organizations  directly  under  the 
protection  of  the  English  flag,  at  Hong  Kong,  where  they  continued 
the  same  methods  established  by  the  precedents  obtained  in  the 
opium  war.  In  fact  the  trade  of  China  under  its  unequal  treaties 
today  and  the  present  foreign  gunboat  invasion  of  China  is  based 
upon  the  buccaneer  precedents  obtained  by  the  foreigners  in  the  opium 
wars.  This  Hong  Kong  Gang  is  affiliated  with  other  political  gangs 
at  Shanghai  and  elsewhere  in  China  and  Japan  and  through  trade  af- 
filiation has  a voice  in  every  representative  legislative  assembly  of  the 
whole  so-called  Christian  world.  It  is  the  most  powerful  overseas 
political  organization  the  world  has  ever  known,  for  it  is  in  a measure 
international  as  to  its  membership  and  support,  although  under  the 
protection  particularly  of  the  British  flag.  It  has  a huge  representa- 
tion, which  to  a degree  includes  the  missionary  element  of  China,  who 
support  it,  because  of  the  belief  that  the  abolition  of  the  instrument 
of  extraterritoriality,  will  end  their  missions  in  China.  Likewise  the 

8 


Hong  Kong  Gang  is  supported  in  England  (as  previously  noted),  and 
in  other  foreign  countries  by  the  large  army  of  pensioners  of  the 
Chinese  Maritime  Customs,  and  of  the  other  branches  of  foreign  ad- 
ministrative control  in  China,  who  know  that  when  China  is  liberated 
from  foreign  control  that  their  pensions  will  cease.  Foreign  banks 
follow  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  as  well  as  the  great  influences  of  foreign 
financial  centers,  since  the  profits  which  they  obtain  are  by  them  at- 
tributed to  the  blessing  of  the  control  of  the  gunboat  administration 
of  Hong  Kong,  which  as  the  chief  fortress  of  Chinese  intimidation  is 
looked  upon  as  their  Rock  of  Ages.  The  foreign  press  of  China,  such 
as  it  is,  is  indeed  largely  all  powerful  in  its  ardent  advocacy  of  the 
Hong  Kong  Gang,  for  the  advocacy  of  Chinese  enslavement  means  ad- 
vertising and  other  foreign  remuneration. 

This  foreign  press,  together  with  foreign  news  service,  are  most 
willing  menials  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang,  and  lend  their  services  gen- 
erously to  broadcasting  to  the  Western  world,  stories  to  aggrandize 
the  Hong  Kong  Gang  and  deprecate  the  Chinese.  Petty  foreign 
traders,  too  insignificant  to  have  a voice  in  the  great  thunder  of  the 
Hong  Kong  Gang,  pipe  out  their  puerile  wrath  against  the  Chinese, 
in  order  to  make  themselves  believe  that  they,  too,  are  a part  of  the 
great  victorious  chorus  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang’s  song  to  the  Su- 
premacy of  the  White  Man.  It  is  all  very  ridiculous,  and  were  it  not 
so  serious  would  alford  a great  funny  sheet  of  laughter,  for  the  im- 
portant way  which  the  Hong  Kong  Gangster  takes  to  himself  is  the 
most  amusing  international  comedy  of  the  day.  Few  of  them  in  the 
profligacy  of  their  idle  days  have  any  serious  hope  that  they  will  be 
allowed  to  remain  long  on  their  bed  of  Chinese  roses,  but  they  still 
dream  on  their  dreams  of  hate  against  the  Chinese  in  the  hope  that 
they  will  some  day  succeed  in  their  schemes  to  get  Chinese  money 
enough  to  enable  them  to  go  back  “home.” 

I do  not  care  to  waste  much  space  upon  this  Hong  Kong  Gang  and 
its  international  representatives  throughout  the  world,  for  it  would 
indeed  be  space  wasted.  With  much  of  the  whole  Christian  world  de- 
manding the  right  to  grind  its  axes  in  China  at  the  expense  of  the  long 
suffering  Chinese  masses,  there  is  little  purpose  in  attacking  the  Hong 
Kong  Gang  in  the  great  citadel  of  its  strength.  Let  me  rather  point 
out  some  of  the  props  that  uphold  the  banners  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang 
Imperialism,  for  some  of  these  are  not  in  China  but  where  we  can 
reach  them  and  demand  an  accounting. 

THE  WHISKEY  AND  ALCOHOL  INTERESTS 

The  Booze  Ring  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  have  much  to  say  in 
favor  of  the  strangling  of  China’s  autonomy.  The  old  opium  gang 
has  been  split  up,  but  the  Booze  Ring  flourishes  mightily  in  a great 
comradeship  of  strength.  The  Chinese  were  not  alcoholically  inclined 
before  the  advent  of  the  foreigner.  China  has  for  thousands  of  years 
distilled  spirits,  mostly  for  medicinal  purposes.  Wines  and  beers  and 
other  use  of  alcohol  as  a table  beverage  was  unusual.  Distilled  spirits 
compounded  with  herbs  and  spices  have  long  been  in  favor  among 
Chinese  for  medicinal  use.  Now,  however,  by  persistent  example  in 
the  foreign  abuse  of  alcohol,  China  has  become  one  of  the  greatest 
whiskey  countries  of  the  earth,  with  quantity  production  putting 
whiskey  prices  way  down. 

Whiskey,  wine,  brandy  and  beer  are  cheaper  in  China  than  even  in 
the  country  of  their  manufacture.  You  can  buy  a bottle  of  twenty- 
year-old  Scotch  whiskey  in  Shanghai,  for  almost  the  amount  of  the  in- 
ternal revenue  placed  upon  it  in  England.  You  can  buy  French 
brandies  in  China  cheaper  than  you  can  buy  them  in  Cognac,  France. 

9 


Your  can  buy  German  bottled  beer  in  China  cheaper  than  you  can 
buy  it  in  Germany.  Why?  Because  the  Booze  Ring  has  found  it 
advantageous  to  its  interests  to  adhere  to  the  foreign  control  of  the 
maritime  customs  which  allow  alcohols  to  come  into  China,  on  a tariff 
so  low  as  to  make  its  cost  practically  very  attractive  to  the  customer. 
Moreover,  the  foreigner  will  not  allow  the  Chinese  to  put  internal  rev- 
enue charges  upon  alcohol.  Two  of  the  “sights”  of  Shanghai  are  the 
bars  of  the  Shanghai  Club  and  the  American  Club,  said  to  be  the 
longest  whiskey  bars  in  the  world,  but  to  which  fortunately  no  Chi- 
nese are  admitted. 

THE  FOREIGN  CIGARETTE  RING 

When  I first  went  to  China,  twenty-five  years  ago,  few  Chinese 
smoked  cigarettes.  Now,  by  dint  of  a persistent  foreign  cigarette 
campaign  and  sale  drive  for  cigarette  consumption  in  China,  few 
Chinese  are  free  from  the  vice.  Cigarette  smoking  has  become  a 
rage  among  the  poorer  classes,  for  they  find  that  it  allays  hunger. 
It  is  pathetic  to  see  a poor,  undernourished,  emaciated  coolie,  take  his 
little  handful  of  coppers,  all  that  he  possesses  on  earth,  and  pay  at 
times  more  of  them  out  for  cigarettes  than  he  does  for  food.  “Why  do 
you  waste  your  money  on  cigarettes?  Why  do  you  not  buy  food  with 
the  few  coppers  you  have?”  I asked  an  emaciated  looking  coolie  wait- 
ing with  his  bamboo  shoulder  pole,  for  the  heavy  work  of  unloading 
a cargo.  “Ah,”  he  responded,  “I  only  eat  food  at  home,  for  it  is 
cheaper  there  and  all  of  the  family  eat  together.  With  these  cigarettes 
I can  stave  off  hunger  until  I get  home.”  Few  realize  the  drains  made 
on  Chinese  labor  resistance  by  the  insiduous  and  pernicious  use  of 
cigarettes.  Nicotine  that  ordinarily  in  the  well  nourished  body  might 
be  innocuously  absorbed,  accumulates  in  the  organs  of  the  under- 
nourished coolie,  greatly  to  the  impairment  of  his  health.  The  foreign 
capital  invested  in  the  cigarette  business  in  China  is  enormous.  Need- 
less to  say,  the  Tobacco  Ring  is  a rabid  supporter  of  the  Hong  Kong 
Gang. 

THE  FOREIGN  RACE  HORSE  RING 

The  Chinese  people  are  dispoiled  annually  of  large  sums  of  money 
through  the  foreign  institution  of  the  race  course.  Before  the  advent 
of  the  foreigner,  horse  racing  as  we  know  it  was  unknown  in  China. 
Post-haste  after  its  success  in  the  Opium  Wars,  the  Hong  Kong  Gang 
instituted  expensive  and  attractive  racing  grounds  in  nearly  all  the 
treaty  ports,  called  under  the  euphoneous  title  of  “Recreation 
Grounds.”  On  these  grounds  they  erected  gambling  clubs  and  gam- 
bling race  courses.  Had  these  foreigners  kept  their  own  vices  to  them- 
selves the  Chinese  would  not  have  cared.  Perceiving  the  large  re- 
wards that  cajoling  the  Chinese  into  the  race  horse  vice  would  bring 
into  the  treasuries  of  these  foreign  gambling  groups,  the  foreigner 
persisted  in  bringing  the  Chinese  into  their  vicious  operations,  until 
now  in  such  a city  as  Shanghai,  the  whole  Chinese  population  goes 
race-horse  mad  at  least  twice  a year,  when  the  great  sweepstake 
races  take  in  the  “Recreation  Grounds.”  Poverty  stricken  Chinese 
stinge  on  their  food  in  order  to  take  a share  in  a ten  dollar  ticket. 
Feverishly  they  await  the  big  racing  event,  with  the  hope  that  they 
will  participate  in  winning  something  of  the  prize  money,  running  at 
times  up  to  a million  dollars  Mexican.  Banks,  factories  and  public 
buildings  are  closed  and  all  other  business  suspended  during  the  two 
or  more  days  that  these  gambling  race  horse  major  events  take  place. 
Moreover,  these  foreigners,  not  satisfied  with  the  havoc  their  ruinous 
gambling  game  is  working  on  the  Chinese  masses,  hold  weekly  races 
throughout  the  whole  year,  offering  further  temptation  to  the  Chinese 

10 


poor,  to  lose  their  hard  earned  money  and  neglect  their  lawful  busi- 
nesses. Needless  to  say  this  gambling  ring  with  its  professional  en- 
tourage of  professional  gamblers  is  strong  for  the  Hong  Kong  Gang. 

FOREIGN  BAWDY  HOUSES 

Shortly  after  the  opium  war,  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  allowed  the 
vicious  allurement  of  the  foreign,  bawdy  house,  and  vicious  foreign 
women  were  imported  to  China  to  serve  the  purposes  of  foreigners. 
In  spite  of  efforts  by  self-respecting  foreigners,  this  vice  openly  con- 
tinues, particularly  in  Shanghai,  where  Kiangse  Road  has  become  ill- 
famed  among  the  Chinese  throughout  China.  Moreover  the  foreigners 
have  licensed  Chinese  houses  of  prostitution  and  elevated  them  to  a 
dignity  which  causes  serious  Chinese  to  wonder.  I have  no  doubt 
but  that  the  frequenters  of  the  foreign  bawdy  houses  believe  in  the 
righteousness  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang. 

INTERNATIONAL  BARS,  TRENCHES  AND  GAMBLING  DENS 

The  foreigner  under  the  loose  moral  system  of  his  foreign  prece- 
dents has  not  been  slow  in  proving  to  the  Chinese  that  he  can  beat 
him  at  any  game  of  depravity.  International  Bars  are  everywhere 
in  the  treaty  ports  of  China  and  run  by  foreigners,  are  filled  with 
cursing  half  drunken  foreigners,  who  rave  against  the  Chinese  and 
blame  them  for  every  misfortune  of  their  miserable  lives.  At  one  time 
at  Shanghai  during  the  prosperous  post  war  period  of  foreign  trade 
venture,  there  was  a net  work  of  streets,  called  under  the  pleasantly 
jocular  title  of  the  “Trenches,”  the  idea  being  that  a man  took  his  life 
in  his  hands  if  he  ventured  down  that  foul  net  work  of  streets  infested 
with  foul  foreign  harpies  and  their  foreign  consorts.  Depression  in 
business,  however,  did  to  this  district  that  which  the  self-respecting 
foreigner  could  not  do.  The  Chinese  are  not  the  incessant  gamblers 
that  some  would  have  one  believe.  By  instinct  they  gamble  less  than 
we  do.  The  foreigner  however,  has  not  been  backward  in  doing  all 
that  he  could  to  obtain  money  in  his  gambling  dens  from  the  Chinese 
upon  any  gambling  pretext  whatsoever.  These  dissolute  foreigners 
are  among  the  loudest  in  their  praise  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang,  and 
indignantly  opposed  to  any  thought  of  the  Chinese  being  competent  to 
conduct  their  own  government.  They  almost  become  pious  in  their 
denunciation  of  any  clever  Chinese  trickery  that  outwits  their  own 
conspiracies  to  rob  the  Chinese. 

SHOE-STRING  FOREIGN  CAPITALISTS 

I have  had  professional  contact  with  a considerable  number  of  al- 
leged “Export  and  Import”  foreigners,  who  have  come  out  to  China 
to  try  vainly  to  make  a fortune  with  their  wits.  Ordinarily,  one 
might  regard  them  as  a mere  nuisance,  were  it  not  for  the  suscep- 
tability  of  the  Chinese  to  foreign  blandishments.  To  illustrate,  I 
shall  mention  one  case,  that  came  directly  under  my  professional  ob- 
servation. A foreigner,  recently  arrived  in  China  advertised  for  a 
Chinese  compradore,  who  possessed  the  qualifications  of  integrity, 
trade  acquaintance,  enterprise  and  (as  a mere  incident)  the  sum  of 
five  thousand  taels  to  put  up  as  a guarantee  of  his  good  behavior.  A 
Chinese  business  man  of  an  affluent  family  applied  for  the  position, 
and  after  a few  further  blandishments  was  induced  to  deposit  his  five 
thousand  taels  with  a middleman,  also  a foreigner.  The  day  after  the 
five  thousand  taels  were  thus  deposited  with  the  other  foreigner  (really 
a confederate),  the  foreigner  kicked  the  Chinese  out  of  his  office  and 
threatened  to  have  him  put  in  the  International  Mixed  Court  Jail  if 
he  ever  made  a demand  for  his  money,  a threat  easy  to  be  carried  into 
effect,  thanks  to  the  unequal  treaty  provisions  as  interpreted  by  its 
chief  interpreter,  the  Hong  Kong  Gang. 

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THE  PEKING  FOREIGN  BOND  MANIPULATORS 

Peking-  is  a long  ways  from  Hong  Kong,  but  the  Hong  Kong  Gang 
is  as  close  to  Peking,  its  underling,  as  a Siamese  twin  brother,  when 
it  comes  to  fleecing  the  Chinese  people  on  the  pretext  of  making 
foreign  loans  to  the  Chinese  people.  Most  of  the  schemes  for  floating 
Chinese  loans  are  hatched  up  in  the  fertile  minds  of  some  of  the 
more  cleverly  sober  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang,  who  proceed  on  the 
theory  that  the  more  indebtedness  is  saddled  on  the  Chinese  masses, 
the  more  they  will  be  willing  to  submit  to  their  gunboat  rule.  This 
bond  ring  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  is  getting  rather  weak  kneed  and 
is  hardly  worth  mentioning  now,  for  their  bad  day’s  work  is  utterly 
done.  To  illustrate:  May  I ask  if  you  have  noticed  recently  the 
quotations  on  the  foreign  bonds  listed  on  the  New  York  Stock  Ex- 
change as  “Chinese  Railways,”  (The  Hukuang  issue)?  Well,  they 
were  issued  around  ninety-five  and  are  now  waiting  bids  at  about  one 
fifth  of  issue  price.  Together  with  other  foreign  Chinese  bonds  of 
their  kind,  they  will  be  worth,  presumably,  the  price  of  cheap  wall 
paper,  before  long.  And  why  should  we  waste  any  sympathy  with 
these  international  vultures,  who  knew  that  whatever  of  money  was 
actually  paid  into  Chinese  hands  (after  deductions,  and  Oh,  what 
deductions)  that  practically  nothing  thereof  was  expended  to  the 
benefit  of  the  Chinese  masses?  However,  for  a long  time  to  come, 
we  may  expect  these  bond  shark  members  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  to 
be  foremost  in  an  expression  of  injured  innocence,  in  being  betrayed 
by  gunboat  promises  of  easy  money  in  China. 

FOREIGN  MISSIONARIES  IN  CHINA 

Reluctantly  I shall  deal  briefly  with  the  Missionaries  in  China.  I 
say,  reluctantly  because  any  brief  mention  on  this  delicate  subject 
will  involve  interminable  explanations  from  missionaries  and  their 
supporters.  Moreover,  the  subject  is  worthy  of  a deeper  discussion 
than  allowed  at  this  time.  Hardly  anything  can  be  said  concerning 
missionaries  without  qualification. 

In  my  public  speaking  I have  found  that  the  most  irascible 
element  of  my  audiences  were  either  missionaries  or  communists. 
Both  claim  that  they  are  the  sole  redemption  of  China,  and  both  mani- 
fest violent  feelings  if  anything  is  said  that  does  not  concur  exactly 
with  their  viewpoint.  I have  had  both  missionaries  and  communists 
interrupt  my  meetings  out  of  a sheer  unreasoned  emotion.  Mis- 
sionaries have  had  their  own  way  so  long  in  China  that  they  believe 
that  the  font  of  all  wisdom  lies  in  their  own  meagre  records.  More- 
over, in  their  spoken  and  written  records  of  their  “labor”  in  China, 
they  only  tell  of  the  good  that  they  are  doing  the  Chinese  and  leave 
the  rest  to  conjecture. 

As  a boy,  and  as  the  son  of  a Methodist  Minister,  I grew  up  with 
a respect  for  missionaries  of  which  much  of  the  influence  still  remains. 
I could  not  be  angry  with  a missionary  if  I wanted  to,  for  it  is  not 
in  my  heart  to  break  down  my  old  childhood  ideals.  What  I shall  say 
concerning  missionaries  in  China,  is  therefore  said,  rather  in  a spirit 
of  constructive  criticism,  sad  to  me  in  its  expression  perhaps,  but  at 
all  events,  entirely  free  from  any  malice. 

Moreover  when  I give  this  constructive  criticism  of  missionaries  in 
China,  let  it  be  understood  that  I do  not  include  in  this  criticism  the 
splendid  corps  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  Y.  W.  C.  A.  whose  particularly 
broad  work  along  indigenous  lines  is  producing  good  results  in  China. 
Nor  in  this  criticism  do  I include  any  missionary  work  that  has  de- 
veloped self  sustaining  indigenous  work,  nor  any  who  have  already 
turned  their  work  over  to  the  Chinese,  nor  any  who  contemplate  in 

12 


the  immediate,  near  future  so  doing,  nor  any  engaged  in  practical 
educational  work,  who  can  rely  solely  upon  the  Chinese  for  protection 
and  who  do  not,  will  not  and  have  not  asked  for  the  protection  of  the 
armed  forces  of  their  respective  governments  to  assist  them  in  remain- 
ing in  their  fields. 

CHINA,  THE  LAST  FIELD  FOR  MISSIONARIES 

China  has  always  been  attractive  to  foreign  missionaries  because 
it  is  a highly  civilized  land,  with  comfort  and  plenty  and  even  great 
luxury  afforded  on  what  we  consider  here  in  America  to  be  a small 
salary.  Journeying  to  and  from  China  and  in  China  itself  is  delight- 
ful. Chinese  climates  are  excellent  and  opportunities  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  dearest  things  in  life  are  accentuated  and  emphasized  in 
China.  Frequent  vacations,  liberal  first  class  allowances  for  periodi- 
cal returns  home  on  palatial  steamers,  manor  like  dwellings,  servants 
galore,  quaint  and  interesting  familiarities  with  fascinating  phases  of 
Chinese  life,  abundant  food,  v/ell  prepared  by  Chinese  cooks,  (the 
equal  of  French  chefs)  and  moreover,  a sufficient  salary  on  which 
even  a saving  may  be  made  in  times  of  good  exchange,  opportunities 
to  study  trade  conditions  with  a view  to  entering  trade,  all  these  give 
to  the  missionary  in  China  a zest  in  existence  that  no  other  missionary 
finds.  Moreover,  to  the  Chinese  the  missionary  comes  with  the  re- 
peated assurance  that  his  God  is  a wrathful  god,  and  that  the  gunboats 
of  his  land  will  protect  him  through  the  benefits  of  extraterritoriality, 
in  the  event  that  he  drives  his  personal  zeal  at  too  hard  a gait.  To 
the  Chinese  the  missionary  has  become  emblematic  of  unequal  treaties 
and  foreign  enslavement.  This  the  missionary  will  not  believe. 

Likewise,  the  missionary  to  China  has  the  assurance  that  he  is  a 
member  of  a highly  organized  enterprise,  richly  endowed,  possessing 
large  political  and  other  influence.  He  feels  proudly  that  the  value 
of  the  missionary  life  in  China  has  at  times  equalled  the  price  of  a 
whole  slice  of  China.  He  thanks  his  God  that  his  nation  is  not  like 
China  but  that  his  nation  possesses  great  machines  of  war,  that  at  an 
hour’s  bidding  are  ready  on  their  way  to  come  to  his  aid  in  the  event 
of  a starving  mob  protest  against  his  method  of  proselyting.  In  fact, 
I presume  that  it  is  hard  for  the  missionary  to  understand  that  the 
navy  of  his  particular  nation  is  maintained  for  any  other  purpose 
than  to  supply  gunboats  to  hold  down  starving  mobs  of  protesting 
Chinese. 

Thus  may  we  account  for  the  eagerness  with  which  missionaries 
seek  the  shores  of  China.  The  savage  jungles  of  the  Congo  and  the 
barbarous  wilds  of  a dozen  climes  await  the  missionary,  but  the  great 
force  of  missionary  strength  is  diverted  rather  to  the  pleasanter  and 
fully  civilized  lands  of  China  and  India.  Moreover,  it  is  hard  for  the 
Chinese  to  understand  why  the  missionaries  do  not  go  to  countries 
that  have  no  gods  at  all,  rather  than  to  a country  as  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  religions  and  philosophies  as  China,  some  of  which  have  sur- 
vived our  own  faiths  by  many  centuries. 

ANCESTRAL  WORSHIP  IN  CHINA 

Likewise,  it  is  hard  for  the  Chinese  to  understand  why  missionaries 
should  wish  to  break  down  that  philosophy  called  ancestral  cult,  and 
which  to  them  is  the  dearest  philosophy  of  life.  It  is  difficult  for 
the  Westerner  to  understand  what  ancestral  cult  means  to  the  Chinese. 
With  us,  a great  grandfather  is  just  a great  grandfather;  an  old  man 
who  is  dead  and  laid  away,  just  where  few  of  us  know  or  care,  for 
our  scheme  of  religion  does  not  bother  itself  with  the  soul  of  those 
who  gave  us  being.  We  find  that  we  have  all  that  we  can  do  in  taking- 
care  of  our  own  soul,  and  obtain  little  satisfaction  in  ever  keeping  up 


the  grave  of  an  ancestor  that  we  never  knew  in  the  flesh,  unless  he 
was  so  great  that  by  honoring  his  grave  we  can  publish  the  glory  of 
our  descent. 

With  the  Chinese,  however,  it  is  different.  Their  ancestors  are  not 
dead,  they  are  still  alive  in  the  spirit.  None  of  them  are  damned;  all 
of  them  are  “saved.”  Therefore  it  is  right  to  honor  their  spirits  by 
going  to  the  last  resting  place  at  a stated  period  every  year,  and  more- 
over, by  enshrining  in  the  home  the  ancestral  tablets  which  commem- 
orate their  memory.  Laugh  if  you  will  at  this  sacred  regard  for  the 
dead  to  comfort  the  living,  but  with  such  sweet  solace  as  this,  the 
Chinese  mind  has  evolved  a philosophy  that  tinges  his  whole  life  with 
optimism.  When  he  dies  he  too  will  have  a part  in  the  respect  to 
which  all  those  who  pass  beyond  the  black  portal  of  death  are  en- 
titled. This  hope,  he  knows  will  be  realized,  for  he  has  seen  its  realiza- 
tion. To  take  this  hope  from  him  is  cruel  for  this  hope  has  sustained 
him  in  building  up  the  oldest  and  most  sufficient  civilization  which 
the  world  has  ever  known.  Even  in  their  dire  poverty  this  cult  bears 
golden  fruit  of  a self  reliant  solace. 

Therefore,  when  the  missionary  proposes  that  he  abandon  this 
simple  cult  for  a complicated  faith  involving  a labyrinth  of  perplexi- 
ties as  to  the  way  to  get  to  heaven,  (utterly  disregarding  the  irretriev- 
ably and  eternally  damned  dead),  the  Chinese  mind  wonders  at  the 
motive.  He  knows  that  the  missionary  belongs  to  a nation  that  has, 
from  his  Chinese  viewpoint,  behaved  in  a manner  very  different  from 
what  Christ  taught.  Hence,  in  his  practical  way,  the  Chinese  believes 
that  the  missionary’s  ulterior  motive  is  support  of  the  gunboat  policy 
of  the  land  the  missionary  represents.  Moreover,  the  Chinese,  like  all 
Orientals,  believes  that  the  holy  man,  (that  is  one  who  has  a mes- 
sage to  preach),  should  be  self  denying  to  the  greatest  extreme. 
Christ  going  about  doing  good,  just  for  the  sake  of  doing  good  with- 
out pay  or  price  is  their  ideal  of  the  holy  man.  They,  therefore, 
cannot  understand  why  missionaries  live  in  a luxurious  state  that 
only  goes  with  mandarin  or  rich  merchant  rank.  From  the  Chinese 
viewpoint,  how  can  a missionary  claim  holiness  without  any  indica- 
tion of  self  denial  from  the  comforts  of  life? 

This  is  all  a long  story,  upon  which  it  would  be  useful  to  dwell. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  practical  mind  of  the  Chinese  cannot  accept 
Christianity  as  the  missionaries  teach  it  from  their  luxurious  sur- 
roundings, and  their  attachment  to  the  gunboat  policy  of  foreign  op- 
pression in  China. 

THE  Y.  M.  C.  A.  AND  THE  Y.  W.  C.  A.  IN  CHINA 

The  splendid  work  done  by  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  the  Y.  W.  C.  A.  in 
China,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  their  fields  have  developed  an  indigenous 
support  almost  from  the  very  beginning.  They  have  approached  the 
Chinese  from  the  angle  of  present  rewards  rather  than  the  promise 
of  a reward  hereafter.  Hell  fire  doesn’t  scare  the  Chinese  as  bad  as 
it  scares  us.  Future  salvation  is  of  less  import  to  their  practical 
minds,  then  self-respect  and  self-sufficiency  in  the  present.  These 
movements  succeed  moreover  because  they  limit  their  activities  to  the 
work  carried  on  in  their  own  buildings  and  develop  this  work  through 
institutionalism.  They  are  not  as  close  as  the  church  and  not  as  loose 
as  a club.  Their  spiritual  objective  in  teaching  the  Kingdom  of  God, 
the  Brotherhood  of  Christ  and  of  man,  is  not  made  offensive  to  the 
Chinese,  for  these  movements  try  to  make  Christ  Chinese,  as  well  as 
the  Jewish  Messiah  and  the  European  Savior.  They  do  not  preach 
Christ  as  a foreign  God.  They  never  attack  the  native  religions,  nor 
do  they  criticise  their  customs.  Recognizing  the  extreme  sensitiveness 

14 


of  the  Chinese,  they  do  not  present  competition  to  their  ancestral  cult. 
They  are  believed  to  be  free  from  the  suspicion  of  acting  as  political 
agents,  and  do  not  appear  to  have  asked  for  gunboats  and  consular 
protection.  The  Chinese  regard  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  workers  in  an  entirely 
different  light  from  that  of  the  missionaries,  for  they  consider  the 
later  to  be  unproductive,  whereas  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  workers  are  looked 
upon  as  productive  teachers  instead  of  mere  preachers.  Likewise 
these  workers  make  no  display  of  luxurious  living,  and  the  Chinese 
consider  them  as  productive  men  to  be  entitled  as  business  men  to 
comforts  and  luxuries,  denied  to  the  man  who  pretends  to  be  devoted 
to  an  unproductive  holy  life. 

With  such  a working  scheme  as  the  above  is  it  any  wonder  that 
these  movements  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  the  Y.  W.  C.  A.  come  in 
contact  with  the  higher  class  of  Chinese,  who  are  rarely  converts  to 
the  regular  evangelical  missionary?  Is  it  any  wonder  that  they  suc- 
ceed where  the  missionary  fails?  Do  you  wonder  that  the  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
obtains  the  respect  of  not  only  Chinese  merchants,  journalists,  au- 
thors and  other  scholars,  but  even  indeed  of  the  leaders  and  followers 
of  native  religions? 

Moreover,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  excels  because  it 
recognizes  the  fact  that  the  Chinese  mind  in  its  democracy  is  much 
like  the  American  mind,  whereas  many  missionaries  rail  in  disap- 
pointment at  the  Chinese.  Such  missionaries  declare  that  the  Chinese 
are  handicapped  by  a mental  looseness,  caused  by  spirit,  devil  and 
even  ancestral  worship,  and  that  the  clear,  unobstructed  current  of 
the  mind  is  damned  by  thinking  of  the  occult,  which  only  shows  how 
little  such  missionaries  really  ever  know  of  the  Chinese  mind. 

WHY  NOT  LET  THE  CHINESE  ENJOY  THE  SOLACE 
OF  THEIR  ANCESTRAL  CULT? 

To  make  an  end  to  this  delicate  subject,  let  us  ask  if  it  is  not  fairer 
to  the  Chinese  to  pursue  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  method  of  proselyting 
Christianity  among  them  rather  than  the  hell  and  torment  method  of 
certain  evangelical  efforts.  The  beautiful  and  unparalelled  story  of 
Jesus  is  becoming  very  dear  to  the  Chinese.  They  realize  that  this 
story  has  made  one-half  of  the  world  more  prosperous  than  the  other. 
Why  not  let  them  take  their  own  way  and  adopt  their  own  method? 
They  look  upon  Christianity  as  now  offered  them  by  many  missionar- 
ies, as  merely  a barrier  that  will  not  only  excommunicate  them  from 
their  living  family  but  separate  them  eternally  from  those  other 
members  of  their  family  who  in  the  world  of  death  (according  to  cer- 
tain missionaries)  are  damned  ghosts,  damned  because  the  missionary 
had  not  come  to  them  and  they  had  no  opportunity  to  accept  Christ 
as  a God.  Would  it  not  be  better  for  us  to  practice  the  teaching  of 
Christ  so  at  our  own  homes,  that  the  practical  mind  of  the  Chinese 
would  perceive  from  afar,  the  true  value  of  Christ’s  wonderful  teach- 
ing, alas,  so  greatly  disregarded  by  even  the  so-called  Christian  na- 
tions who  should  be  the  first  to  follow  them?  “Why  did  not  Christ 
come  to  China?”  “Why  do  the  foreigners  here  in  China  not  live  up  to 
the  teaching  of  Jesus?”  Such  are  the  simple  questions  asked  almost 
daily  by  earnest  truth  seeking  Chinese.  And  how  shall  we  answer 
them?  By  gunboats?  By  coercive  methods,  that  Christ  Himself  con- 
demned? Or  shall  it  be  the  earnest  resolve  to  try  to  make  our 
own  personal  and  national  example  an  incentive  to  the  Chinese  to 
follow  Christianity  by  the  sheer  force  of  proving  its  practical  value, 
as  the  basic  element  in  the  great  struggle,  (Christ’s  struggle)  for  the 
brotherhood  of  man?  My  heart  is  sad,  when  I reflect  upon  our  mis- 
sionary failure  after  generations  of  highly  organized  effort,  in  which 

15 


a great  treasure  has  been  expended.  Why  not  start  out  anew,  by 
proving  to  the  Chinese  people  that  we  ourselves  really  believe  in  the 
precious  and  beautiful  teachings  of  our  Lord,  and  that  they  are  not 
mere  empty  forms  of  hypocritical  preachments,  but  indeed  inexorable 
rules  of  human  conduct  that  beautify  our  lives  and  bring  happiness 
to  the  whole  world?  Unfortunately,  too  many  missionaries  look  upon 
their  work  in  China  as  being  their  sole  chance  of  making  a living. 
They  know  on  which  side  their  bread  is  buttered,  for  it  is  buttered  on 
both  sides;  on  the  one  side  by  their  church,'  that  gathers  in  a huge 
treasure  (frequently  from  those  at  home  who  can  illy  afford  the  sacri- 
fice), and  on  the  other  side  by  their  government,  that  encourages  them 
to  continue  in  the  labor,  for  various  motives  based  upon  the  oppor- 
tunism of  international  politics.  Some  of  the  holiest  men  I have 
ever  known  have  been  missionaries  in  China,  but  I never  met  one 
that  appeared  to  me  to  have  lived  nearer  to  his  God,  than  a poor  old, 
octogenarian  Chinese  monk.  I watched  him  dying  in  one  of  the  side 
lanes  of  the  crowded  city  of  Nantao.  He  had  a stone  for  a pillow  and 
propped  up  by  his  side  was  his  pilgrim’s  banner.  Overcome  by  the 
infirmities  of  his  years,  he  had  left  the  Sanctuary  of  Poutou,  to  come 
out  and  preach  to  the  ragged  poor,  his  words  of  comfort.  Only  that 
morning  he  had  arrived  by  junk  from  the  sacred  islands,  and  now  be- 
set by  the  hand  of  Death,  he  had  drawn  his  coarse,  much  mended,  but 
carefully  washed  gown  about  him,  and  had  lain  down  to  die,  there 
with  the  roar  of  a great  city  traffic  sounding  but  a few  yards  away. 
His  face  was  lighted  up  with  a smile  of  hope.  “Take  this  money,” 
someone  said.  “It  will  pay  for  medicine.”  The  old  Chinese  monk 
raised  his  head  slowly  from  his  pillow  of  stone,  and  there  was  the 
majesty  of  the  spirit  world  in  his  utterance:  “Give  it  yourself  to  the 
poor.  My  way  is  now  the  way  that  leads  to  other  riches.”  I gazed 
around  upon  the  group  of  Chinese  gathered  in  the  midst,  and  there 
was  a look  of  reverence  upon  the  faces  of  all.  I took  off  my  hat  and 
bowed  in  reverence  for  in  my  mind  the  place  became  hallowed.  This 
aged  monk,  I knew  was  dying  as  he  had  lived:  A seeker  of  truth 
whose  first  thought  was  ever  for  the  poor.  Cruelly  poor  himself,  he 
had  ever  practiced  a rude  and  self-denying  poverty  that  made  his 
presence  on  earth  an  example  of  good  to  his  fellows.  Verily  of  such 
is  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.  Are  all  our  missionaries  to  China  friends 
of  the  poor  as  was  this  aged  monk? 

ABSURDITY  OF  FOREIGN  TRADING  METHDOS 
The  Hong  Kong  Gang  as  we  have  seen  operated  upon  the  old  East 
India  iniquitous  system.  One  of  their  hard  and  fast  rules  has  at- 
tempted to  keep  the  Chinese  merchants  in  complete  ignorance  of 
foreign  methods  of  trading,  so  that  these  Chinese  merchants  and  ex- 
porters would  be  compelled  to  use  foreign  services  in  all  China’s  huge 
import  and  export  foreign  trade.  When  I first  went  to  China  twenty- 
five  years  ago,  I knew  of  no  Chinese  firm  or  hong,  or  even  individual 
that  traded  direct  with  foreign  countries,  and  even  to  this  day  the 
number  of  such  is  negligible.  The  Hong  Kong  Gang  has  done  all  that 
was  in  their  far  reaching  power  to  prevent  Chinese  merchants  and 
manufacturers  from  getting  acquainted  with  foreign  methods  of  doing 
business.  While  missionaries  were  teaching  the  Gospel  to  Chinese 
the  Hong  Kong  Gang  was  teaching  the  Chinese  how  absolutely  ir- 
responsible and  worthless  they  were  in  matters  of  foreign  trade.  “You 
will  have  to  trade  through  us  because  we  alone  understand  the  method 
of  foreign  trade,”  declared  the  Hong  Kong  Gang.  The  missionaries 
declared  that  the  Chinese  should  change  their  spiritual  lives,  but  the 
Hong  Kong  Gang  declared  that  the  Chinese  were  utterly  hopeless  in 

16 


learning  the  secrets  of  foreign  trade,  so  that  they  might  as  well  give 
up  trying  altogether  and  that  no  change  whatsoever  was  required  in 
regard  to  their  ancient  trade  practices.  Yes,  their  souls  had  to  be 
saved,  but  as  far  as  their  businesses  were  concerned;  well,  the  Hong 
Kong  Gang  would  take  care  of  Chinese  deficiencies  with  great  alacri- 
ty. And  take  care  of  it,  they  did,  to  the  tune  of  millions  of  pounds 
sterling  of  profit  poured  into  the  idle  hands  of  foreigners,  which 
should  have  really  gone  as  a reward  for  unrequited  Chinese  toil. 

THE  FOREIGN  INVENTION  OF  THE  CHINESE 
COMFRADORE  SYSTEM 

To  throttle  all  Chinese  initiative  in  efforts  at  Chinese  independent 
foreign  trade,  the  foreigners  invented  the  Comprador  system,  (which 
continues  to  this  day),  as  an  instrument  to  prevent  the  Chinese  from 
trading  overseas  independently.  This  system  was  not  entirely  invent- 
ed by  the  Portuguese,  although  the  word  compradore  is  taken  from 
their  language,  meaning  a buyer.  The  system  was  really  invented  by 
the  British  East  India  Company,  and  for  the  coercive  reasons  above 
stated.  The  Portuguese  reason  for  the  use  of  the  compradore  was 
rather  one  of  early  necessity,  in  the  very  early  period  of  their  first 
trade  with  China.  Moreover,  the  Portuguese  never  had  the  capital, 
the  gunboats  or  the  initiative,  to  do  what  the  English  buccaneer 
traders  of  the  British  East  India  Company  did.  To  dispose  of  this 
informative  statement  as  quickly  as  possible,  let  us  pass  over  any  his- 
torical outline  and  say  that  even  admitting  that  the  compradore  sys- 
tem was  absolutely  necessary  down  to  the  opium  wars,  that  it  was  not 
necessary  after  China  had  opened  up  certain  treaty  ports  for  the  use 
of  foreigners.  This  is  the  way  that  the  compradore  system  works 
today: 

All  foreigners  refuse  to  allow  independent  Chinese  foreign  trade 
competition.  If  a Chinese  wishes  to  sell  his  manufactured  or  other 
product  overseas  he  must  go  to  a foreign  concern.  Since  foreigners 
in  China  have  never  made  much  serious  attempt  to  learn  the  Chi- 
nese mediums  of  expression,  they  are  forced  by  reason  of  their 
ignorance  of  Chinese  languages  to  employ  Chinese.  The  head  Chi- 
nese that  they  thus  employ  is  called  their  “Buyer”  or  compradore, 
These  compradores  are  tied  up  on  exacting  contracts  which  hold 
them  to  foreign  concerns,  frequently  by  complications  of  accounts, 
for  life.  If  a Chinese  compradore  wishes  to  establish  a business  of  his 
own  and  do  his  own  trading  overseas,  he  is  immediately  beset  with  all 
sorts  of  difficulties,  even  to  the  point  of  threat  of  incarceration  in 
the  foreign  jails  of  China.  Moreover,  if  such  compradore  attempted 
to  establish  an  independent  business,  he  could  obtain  no  ships  to  carry 
his  exports  and  imports,  for  the  Chinese  practically  have  no  mer- 
chant marine  (or  other  marine  for  that  matter),  and  the  Hong  Kong 
Gang  adherents  would  “jolly  well”  see  to  it,  that  the  “damned  chink” 
could  not  “doublecross”  them,  and  despoil  them  of  the  great  loot, 
which  by  their  foreign  monopoly  they  are  taking  away  from  China,  in 
the  way  of  “combined  interests”  profits. 

In  this  connection,  I think  that  I should  state  that  foreigners  in 
China  are  not  satisfied  with  the  legitimate  and  usual  returns  of  trade. 
When  we  would  be  satisfied  at  home  among  ourselves  with  a twenty 
percent  profit,  they  want  many  times  this,  and  instances  have  been 
known  of  foreigners  grumbling,  even  when  they  have  taken  in  a 
profit  of  a thousand  percent,  and  this  mostly  on  the  capital  of  their 
Chinese  compradore.  In  fact  avarice  in  China  feeds  on  avarice,  and 
there  is  no  end  to  the  bloating  of  men’s  souls  when  they  once  have  a 
taste  of  Chinese  easy  money. 


17 


ABOLITION  OF  THE  COMPRADORE  TRADE  SYSTEM 

Foreign  gunboats  by  the  threat  of  their  constant  presence  and  in- 
terference have  been  responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  this  iniquitous 
compradore  system.  Chinese  producers,  manufacturers  and  other  ex- 
porters want  to  get  their  goods  off  the  junks  and  on  a foreign  pro- 
tected steamer  as  soon  as  possible,  since  the  memory  of  the  opium  and 
other  foreign  trade  “foreign  fireworks  demonstrations,”  is  not  for- 
gotten. As  we  have  seen,  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  is  the  international 
political  lobbyist  to  pile  the  cangues  (movable  pillories)  on  China, 
but  it  is  hoped  that  even  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  is  at  least  beginning 
to  realize,  that  their  profits  if  not  so  large  will  at  least  be  more  steady 
and  certain  if  they  allow  the  Chinese  to  act  as  independent  traders 
in  an  open  and  competitive  market. 

FALLACY  OF  COMPRADORE  SYSTEM  PROVED 
BY  JAPAN’S  CHANGE 

We  don’t  have  to  look  far  for  corroborative  proof  of  the  above  as- 
sertions concerning  the  need  for  the  abolition  of  the  compradore  sys- 
tem. For  many  years  prior  to  the  abolition  of  extraterritoriality  in 
Japan,  foreigners  (for  the  most  part  adherents  to  Hong  Kong  Gang) 
proclaimed  to  the  world  in  an  expensive  propaganda,  that  the  Western 
World  would  be  a great  loser  by  the  abolition  of  extraterritoriality  in 
Japan,  because  the  Japanese  would  thus  obtain  a trade  activity  that 
would  drive  out  and  impoverish  the  foreigner.  In  fact,  the  foreign 
argument  went  almost  to  the  same  length  in  propaganda  against 
Japanese  liberation,  as  it  now  does  against  Chinese  emancipation 
from  foreign  control.  There  was  this  difference  however:  the  pro- 
fits of  Japanese  trade  were  as  nothing  compared  with  China’s  stupend- 
ous offering.  Moreover,  Japan  was  not  filled  up  with  get-rich-quick 
foreign  concerns  and  missionaries  as  is  China,  for  the  “pickings” 
were  not  as  good,  nor  was  the  abundance  as  great  for  the  foreigner. 
Likewise,  the  Japanese  had  just  come  out  of  their  feudal  period  and 
were  possessed  of  feudal  belligerency,  whereas  China  had  been  out 
of  its  feudal  period  for  a couple  of  thousand  years  and  had  lost  all 
desire  to  engage  in  war. 

But  in  spite  of  all  propaganda  to  the  contrary,  in  1896  the  “benevo- 
lent, Christian  West”  most  philanthropically  assented  to  Japan’s 
demand  that  unequal  treaties  be  abolished  in  Japan,  and  foreign 
courts  were  done  away  with.  Even  as  recent  as  a quarter  of  a cen- 
tury ago,  on  the  occasion  of  my  first  visit  to  Japan,  I heard  angry 
expostulations  on  the  part  of  irate  foreigners  declaiming  indignantly 
on  the  treachery  of  their  governments  in  exposing  them  to  the  fury 
of  “heathen  Japan.”  According  to  these  foreigners,  foreign  trade 
with  Japan  was  utterly  doomed,  because  Japan  was  not  sufficiently 
civilized  to  administer  justice  to  Christian  foreigners. 

What  has  been  the  result?  Foreigners  have  been  compelled  to  leave 
Japan,  it  is  true,  because  their  monopolistic  control  of  foreign  trade 
passed  into  Japanese  hands,  as  it  should.  They,  these  irate  foreigners, 
lost  their  soft  jobs  and  their  places  at  the  foreign  drinking  bars  and 
the  comfortable  foreign  clubs.  They  actually  had  to  go  home  and 
go  to  work  the  way  the  rest  of  their  nationals  at  home  worked.  Of 
course,  it  was  all  wrong  (from  their  viewpoint)  for  their  government 
not  to  send  over  more  war  ships  in  order  to  teach  the  Japanese  a les- 
son and  continue  the  unequal  treaties.  Terrible  indeed  were  the 
foreign  denunciations  I heard  against  Japan  back  even  in  that  brief 
quarter  of  a century  ago.  “A  nation  of  monkeys.  Don’t  have  any 
idea  of  foreign  trading.  Mere  imitators  of  what  we  the  strong  men 

of  the  West  can  do.  Ah,  this  d d Japan  should  be  made  to  respect 

18 


(with 


the  West.  Our  trade  has  all  gone  to  the  bow  wows.  Ah. 
clinched  fists,  etc.)” 

But  again  I ask:  What  has  been  the  result  of  our  abolishing  our 
unequal  treaties  with  Japan,  and  according  to  the  bibulous  kickers, 
taking  the  bread  and  butter  out  of  the  mouths  of  our  nationals  to  give 
it  to  the  Japanese? 

Astounding  and  generous  indeed  have  been  the  resultant  rewards 
from  this  recognition  of  Japan’s  rights.  What  a handful  of  bibulous 
foreigners  and  sanctimonious  adherents  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang 
failed  to  accomplish,  the  Japanese  trader  at  last  with  a free  hand  ac- 
complished in  a wonderful  degree.  Look  at  our  trade  balance  with 
Japan  today,  and  then  reflect  upon  what  it  'would  have  been  had  we 
striven  to  continue  our  unequal  treaties  with  Japan.  All  these  huge 
profits  that  roll  into  the  channels  of  our  American  industry  at  home, 
is  in  a very  large  measure  due  to  what?  Because  we  did  for  Japan 
what  we  should  today  do  for  China:  abolish  unequal  treaties  and  let 
the  Chinese  trade  with  us  direct,  instead  of  allowing  a lot  of  worthless 
and  unnecessary  foreign  middle  men  capture  the  huge  intervening 
profits,  and  otherwise  restrict  Chinese  trade  generally.  “Enormous,” 
is  a small  word  to  use,  to  portray  the  value  to  us  of  Chinese  trade, 
when  under  unrestricted  Chinese  initiative,  the  treasure  ships  com- 
mence to  ply  between  China’s  ports  and  ours.  What  Japan  has  done 
and  is  doing  for  us,  in  her  own  Oriental  way,  China  will  do  for  us 
to  the  very  overflow  of  our  economic  abundance. 

GANG  MILITARISM  AGAINST  CHINESE  PACIFICISM 

Strike  China  off  our  planet  today  and  what  do  you  have  left  that 
does  not  worship  either  the  God  of  War  or  the  Goddess  of  Gold? 
Have  you  ever  thought  of  the  great  service  China  has  been  to  the 
world,  by  refusing  to  prepare  for  wars  that  she  knew  were  inevitable? 
The  Chinese  is  no  man’s  fool.  His  philosophy  sounds  the  bottom  of 
a wisdom  of  five  thousand  years.  John  Chinaman,  does  not  deceive 
himself  in  regard  to  the  threats  of  war.  Why  then  does  he  not  pre- 
pare for  war?  Because  he  knows  that  war  is  folly.  A war  to  him  is 
like  a lawsuit;  ruinous  even  to  him  who  wins  it.  Moreover,  war  is 
against  his  idea  of  the  brotherhood  and  tolerance  of  man.  May  we 
not  learn  something  from  the  Chinese,  in  this  regard  at  least? 

When  the  English  Opium  wars  proved  to  China  the  rapacious  pur- 
pose of  the  foreign  invasion,  China  waited,  hoping  that  the  Christian 
world  would  some  day  tire  of  plundering  China,  and  recall  something 
of  the  teaching  of  Christ.  This  is  still  China’s  hope.  China  is  too 
great  to  go  to  war.  When  China  goes  to  war,  the  whole  planet  will 
shake  beneath  the  tread  of  her  armies.  The  Chinese  are  born  faster 
than  modern  armies  can  kill  them.  Therefore,  China  is  safe  from  war, 
as  far  as  its  own  protection  is  concerned,  for  in  its  enormous  multi- 
tude it  defies  the  armies  of  the  whole  world.  China  is  the  one  spot  on 
the  globe  that  is  there  to  stay  by  reason  of  the  very  weight  of  its 
unmovable  and  consolidated  mass. 

Christian  civilization  express  their  most  forceful  terms  in  the  mili- 
tary rosters  of  great  armies.  But  these  armies  are  not  great  for  they 
depend  for  their  existence  upon  the  mere  passing  political  expression 
of  the  day.  Party  politics  is  a curious  kaleidoscope.  It  shows  the 
fancy  of  a victory  today  and  the  shadow  of  a defeat  tomorrow.  The 
proud,  arrogant  Germany  that  I knew  as  a student  at  Heidelberg 
thirty  years  ago;  where  is  it  today?  Where  are  those  invincible 
armies  of  iron  with  their  superman  of  a Kaiser? 

China,  in  spite  of  its  poverty  is  the  greatest  physical  and  moral 

19 


force  on  the  globe  today.  Why?  Because  it  is  not  militaristic.  China 
has  more  in  its  wisdom  of  five  thousand  years  than  we  with  all  our 
trained  armies  of  today.  China  is  incomparably  great  in  this  regard, 
and  head  and  shoulders  above  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth  today,  be- 
cause it  is  something  entirely  opposite  to  us.  China  is  more  than  a 
nation,  more  than  a government,  more  than  a race,  more  than  a peo- 
ple. China  is  a civilization  and  a civilization  whose  basic  theory  is 
the  philosphy  of  the  brotherhood  of  man.  Brotherhood  of  man  means 
peace  instead  of  war.  A nation  has  to  be  very  great  to  be  able  to 
put  in  actual  practice  this  brotherhood  of  man  theory.  Imperialistic 
nations  proceed  on  the  theory  that  brotherhood  of  man  does  not  go 
beyond  the  serried  ranks  of  its  armed  force,  but  China,  “Heathen 
China”  alone  has  been  great  enough  to  really  practice  the  gentle 
Galilean’s  teaching  against  war. 

FOLLY  OF  MILITARIZING  CHINA 
One  would  think,  that  at  times  in  our  almost  incessant  succession 
of  Christian  wars,  we  should  reflect  seriously  upon  what  “waking” 
China  up  really  means  to  us.  Cartoons  and  jokes  of  an  increasingly 
stale  nature  are  about  the  only  protests  made  against  our  Christian 
civilization  continually  complaining  against  China,  because  she  is  not 
militaristic  as  are  we.  We  say  that  we  are  willing  to  leave  China  free 
to  X’un  its  own  affairs  when  it  has  a “strong  government.”  Some  day 
we  may  regret  that  we  did  not  leave  China  to  herself,  before  we 
forced  her  to  adopt  a “strong  government.”  For  to  us  a strong  gov- 
ernment means  a government  that  spends  at  least  half  of  its  revenues 
in  paying  for  present,  past  or  future  wars.  But  really,  is  this  political 
talk  about  waiting  for  China  to  organize  a “strong  government”  the 
usual  talking-through-the-high-hat  method  of  Western  diplomacy,  or 
is  it  really  an  earnest  wish  that  China  shall  make  itself  into  such  a 
“strong  government,”  that  it  will  eventually  control  the  whole  Pacific 
and  perhaps  the  whole  world?  Of  course,  we  all  know  (even  to  the 
politicians  who  make  these  utterances)  that  the  “strong  government” 
argument,  is  merely  another  “save  the  face”  excuse  for  our  depreda- 
tions in  China,  and  is  another  of  the  insulting  arguments  which  the 
Hong  Kong  Gang  uses  in  its  attempt  to  continue  its  looting  of  China. 
Let  us  at  this  point  study  the  International  Imperialistic  Institution  of 
the  Benevolent  Gunboat  Control  of  the  World,  at  a little  closer  range. 

“GOD  BLESS  THE  SQUIRE  AND  HIS  RELATIONS, 

AND  KEEP  US  IN  OUR  PROPER  STATIONS” 

The  above  is  not  a nursery  ditty,  but  a very  proper  prayer  re- 
sponse, adapted  to  the  caste  system  of  any  imperialistically  controlled 
land.  George  Washington  undoubtedly  heard  this  prayer  on  many 
occasions;  but  George  Washington,  fortunately  for  us,  was  cf  a valiant 
type,  who  held  a regard  for  the  proper  station  of  the  people  to  be 
even  higher  than  the  homage  due  to  the  squire  and  his  relations.  The 
recitation  of  this  prayer  would  make  any  Chinese  laugh,  for  the  Chi- 
nese tribal  democracy  of  thousands  of  years  does  not  wholesale,  by 
reason  of  birth,  humanity  into  “stations.”  Chinese  civilization  made 
the  station  of  the  scholar  the  supreme  goal  of  all  human  ambition. 
Perhaps,  in  this,  they  failed,  by  adopting  too  cultural  and  too  al- 
truistic a standard  of  man’s  value  to  man.  At  all  events,  Chinese 
national  longevity  proves  that  the  scholarship  method  of  appraising 
man’s  value,  was  safer  than  the  “squire  and  his  relations”  method  of 
the  Imperialists.  But  of  this  we  shall  have  something  to  say  later. 

I believe  in  paying  deep  respect  to  all  countries  of  the  earth  and 
particularly  to  those  that  are  in  any  way  helpful  to  my  own  country. 

20 


I believe  that  every  human  being  has  a right  to  adhere  to  any  form 
of  government  that  appears  best  to  him,  and  I shall  always  consider 
it  my  duty  as  an  American  citizen  to  respect  that  right.  Hence  what 
I have  here  to  say  concerning  Imperialism  is  not  a criticism  of  any 
existing  governments  but  rather  of  passing  policies  represented  in  an 
international  group  which  I have  denominated  for  want  of  a better 
name  as  the  Hong  Kong  Gang,  for  as  elsewhere  remarked,  Hong  Kong 
as  a gunboat  international  center  is  the  chief  fortress  of  this  Imperial- 
istic expression  against  democratic  China.  Protests  in  England  itself 
against  what  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  stands  for,  show  how  deeply  the 
Chinese  should  respect  their  well  wishers  there,  as  wTell  as  elsewhere 
even  in  the  very  stronghold  of  China’s  foreign  oppression.  For  brave, 
courageous  and  just  men  are  not  lacking  in  the  nations  of  the  earth 
to  utter  protest  against  such  oppression. 

INTERNATIONAL  GANG  IMPERIALISM  AGAINST 
CHINESE  PACIFICISM 

History  will  some  day  (and  not  far  distant)  sit  and  wonder  if  the 
pages  of  her  records  today  being  written  in  the  foreign  invasion  of 
China,  really  are  true.  Nothing  is  more  opposed  to  the  teaching  of 
Christ  than  this  invasion,  an  invasion  made  by  those  who  claim  to 
profess  adherence  to  His  teachings.  I often  wonder,  in  a dream-like 
way,  (particularly  upon  the  slow  half  awakening  of  the  morning),  if 
after  all  this  foreign  invasion  of  China  is  not  just  a horrid  impossible 
dream. 

A DOCTOR  SUN  EPISODE 

I have  brooded  over  the  wrongs  done  to  China,  until  I can  only 
find  comfort  in  recalling  the  words  Sun  Yat  Sen  once  said  to  me, 
when  I was  suspended  from  the  practice  of  my  profession  by  the 
British  at  Shanghai,  in  1920,  for  the  organization  of  a tax  strike 
against  the  British  tax  collectors,  for  refusing  to  allow  Chinese  repre- 
sentation on  the  Shanghai  Municipal  Council.  I was  very  downcast, 
for  the  suspension  was  not  only  humiliating,  but  put  me  in  a dire 
predicament  with  my  clients,  whose  pending  cases  I was  no  longer 
able  to  protect  by  reason  of  such  suspension. 

Sun,  like  all  Chinese,  never  put  his  hand  upon  the  person  of  one 
with  whom  he  was  talking,  in  the  manner  common  to  us  in  America 
among  close  friends.  But  this  time,  when  I told  him  the  news,  he 
came  and  put  his  hand  lightly  and  reassuringly  on  my  shoulder  and 
said::  “This  is  not  a punishment.  This  is  a recognition  of  your 
value  as  a man.  Our  enemies  reward  you,  when  they  think  to  punish 
you.” 

Hence,  I feel  that  the  friends  of  China  would  do  well  to  look  upon 
the  present  foreign  invasion  of  China  as  being  just  another  proof  of 
the  recognition  that  Pacifist  China  is  superior  to  Militarist  Imperialism 
If  China  was  the  “strong  government”  that  certain  foreigners  hypo- 
critically claim  they  wish  it  to  be,  the  foreign  gunboats  would  never 
dare  approach  China  within  the  farthest  gun  range  of  China.  So 
out  of  the  terror  of  foreign  invasion,  I trust  that  the  Chinese  will  find 
something  akin  to  sweetness  in  the  thought  that  China  is  big  and 
brave  enough  not  to  retaliate  to  the  passing  and  temporary  invasion 
of  foreign  gunboat  control,  in  the  hope  that  Christian  peoples  at  home 
will  eventually  compel  the  return  of  these  instruments  of  war.  I am 
enheartened  in  this  expression  of  non-resistance  against  the  foreign 
gunboats  because  of  the  lesson  I received  in  the  matter  of  my  suspen- 
sion from  the  practice  of  law  above  referred  to.  Under  Dr.  Sun’s 
advice  I did  not  retaliate  against  the  unjust  judgement  of  the  Inter- 
national Mixed  Court  usurped  by  British  authority.  I made  no  public 


or  private  utterances  in  my  own  behalf.  I published  nothing  in  my 
own  defense.  I remained  silent.  This  silence  was  indeed  eloquent 
in  my  own  defense,  for  it  was  not  long  before  high  minded  foreigners 
of  various  nationalities  began  to  perceive  that  the  punishment  of  my 
suspension  was  all  wrong.  Although  I had  made  no  complaint  against 
this  punishment  to  my  own  government,  certain  of  my  nationals  spoke 
out  bravely  in  my  behalf,  declaring  very  justly  that  the  British  had 
no  right  to  take  jurisdiction  over  any  other  foreigner.  Little  by 
little  the  public  sentiment  of  the  better  class  of  foreigners  in  Shanghai, 
China,  and  elsewhere,  came  to  my  support  without  any  solicitation 
whatsoever  from  me.  Eventually  I was  not  only  vindicated  and  re- 
instated to  practice  my  profession  as  a lawyer  before  the  International 
Mixed  Court,  but  indeed  the  controversy  concerning  Chinese  repre- 
sentation resulted  likewise  in  my  favor  and  two  Chinese  advisors  were 
alloted  for  representation  on  the  Shanghai  Municipal  Council. 

From  my  own  actual  experience,  I am  satisfied  therefore,  that  a 
Chinese  policy  of  non-resistance  against  the  foreign  invasion  will  re- 
sult in  a complete  victory  for  Chinese  Democracy.  Already  I perceive 
the  American  public  awakening  to  the  injustice  of  the  foreign  inva- 
sion of  China.  I prophesy  that  by  such  non-resistant  program,  that 
the  Chinese  Republic  as  founded  by  Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen  will  be  fully 
victorious.  It  is  sad  to  think  that  so  many  innocent  Chinese  lives  are 
being  ruthlessly  destroyed  during  the  progress  of  this  foreign  inva- 
sion, but  the  martyrdom  of  their  lives  accentuates  and  distinguishes 
the  justice  of  China’s  philosophy  of  Pacificism. 

CHINESE  RAPPROACHMENT  TO  AMERICA 

The  suffering  of  the  Chinese  people  during  the  present  foreign  in- 
vasion will  bring  America  at  least  nearer  to  an  understanding  of  the 
Chinese.  The  Chinese  are  very  much  like  Americans.  Some  one  has 
proposed  that  the  peoples  of  the  earth  who  happen  to  speak  English 
shall  make  a great  political  alliance.  What  could  be  more  non-sensical? 
Do  mere  words  mean  more  than  actions?  Does  an  utterance  of  the 
tongue  show  more  sympathy  than  the  thought  of  the  head  and  the 
feeling  of  the  heart? 

FOLLY  OF  AN  ENGLISH  SPEAKING  ALLIANCE 

If  such  an  alliance  is  to  be  manufactured,  upon  what  historical 
proof  of  value  shall  it  rest?  Does  history  show  that  peoples  that 
speak  the  same  language  are  ever  at  peace  with  one  another?  How 
many  of  our  wars  have  been  fought  against  England?  How  many 
civil  wars  has  England  fought?  What  war  was  more  terribly  and 
more  ruthlessly  waged  than  our  own  civil  war  of  Secession?  If 
mere  language,  if  just  utterance  of  the  human  throat  held  men  to- 
gether in  bonds  of  brotherhood,  why  all  these  wars  between  men  who 
not  only  spoke  the  same  language,  but  who  had  strains  of  the  same 
blood  running  in  their  veins.  Nay.  Mere  language  will  never  make 
holy  or  even  a reasonable  alliance  among  men.  Christ  spoke  Aramaic, 
a mere  dialect  forgotten  for  many  centuries,  but  He  still  speaks  to 
us  through  our  hearts  and  our  heads,  a language  that  is  far  sweeter 
and  purer  than  any  mere  vocal  concord.  Christ  speaks  to  us  in  the 
language  of  the  brotherhood  of  man,  in  the  language  of  Peace  and 
Good  Will  to  men.  We  in  America  are  likewise  trying  to  speak  this 
language  of  the  Lowly  Nazarene,  for  we  believe  that  it  should  be 
the  language  of  the  whole  world’s  happiness.  It  is  the  soul  and  the 
mind  and  the  heart,  that  bring  men  together.  Where  else  shall  we 
Americans  find  men  whose  counterparts  are  so  near  to  us  as  the 
Chinese,  who  for  thousands  of  years  have  observed  at  least  the  princi- 
ples of  the  brotherhood  of  man  that  Christ  taught? 

22 


A CHINESE-AMERICAN  ALLIANCE 

Therefore,  I boldly  declare  that  from  this  day  on,  we  should  form 
a Pacifist  alliance  with  the  Chinese  people  and  help  them  now  as  we 
expect  them  to  help  us  likewise  in  moments  of  need.  Such  an  al- 
liance is  practicable  and  essential,  since  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
today,  China  and  America  are  the  freest  from  caste  systems.  There 
is  no  “Keep  us  in  our  proper  stations”  doctrine  either  in  America  or 
China.  America  is  not  a gunboat  land,  neither  is  China.  America 
believes  in  the  self-determination  of  the  peoples  of  the  whole  earth. 
So  does  China.  America  wants  peace  on  the  Pacific  particularly,  and 
peace  everywhere  generally.  The  only  nation  that  in  the  future  can 
guarantee  to  us  the  one,  and  support  the  other  is  China.  Moreover, 
America  has  founded  the  whole  faith  of  its  constitution  in  man’s 
equality  to  man.  What  other  nation  can  show  a more  sustained  ob- 
servance to  this  faith  than  China?  And  if  these  moral  reasons  are 
not  enough  to  justify  a Chinese-American  Pacificist  Alliance,  let  us 
decide  the  issue  upon  purely  material  lines.  Who  is  tomorrow’s 
master  of  the  other  side  of  the  Pacific?  Can  we  expect  to  long  sur- 
vive against  the  overwhelming  population  of  Asia,  if  we  do  not  main- 
tain toward  China  the  same  attitude  of  friendship  that  she  wishes  to 
manifest  to  us? 

AGAIN  THAT  “STRONG  GOVERNMENT” 

We  are  rather  tired  of  hearing  that  the  philanthropic  Hong  Kong 
Gang  is  merely  waiting  to  recommend  the  withdrawal  of  the  foreign 
gTeat  fleets  from  China,  when  China  can  give  assurance  that  its  gov- 
ernment is  sufficiently  strong  to  protect  the  nationals  of  all  the  earth 
who  may  wish  to  prey  upon  China.  This  aimiably  disposed  and  charit- 
able contingent  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang  call  China  (the  China  of 
five  thousand  years)  a land  of  “bandit  rule.”  Have  these  complacent 
gangsters  ever  made  a study  of  China?  Have  they  ever  gone  forth  to 
behold  China’s  millions  busy  even  in  the  wartime  of  today  in  the  sow- 
ing and  harvesting  of  the  fields?  Have  they  ever  attended  the  village 
elders’  town  meetings  to  learn  lessons  of  democracy  from  the  soil 
stained  fathers  of  Chinese  democracy?  Do  they  know  that  the  China 
of  today  has  comparatively  fewer  bandits  than  America?  Bandits 
of  a different  type  to  be  sure,  and  less  merciful  than  the  Chinese 
bandits,  but  bandits  with  the  strength  of  their  myriads,  that  baffle 
even  the  highly  complicated  machinery  of  the  most  expensive  govern- 
ment on  earth.  And  why  are  there  bandits  in  China  today?  Be- 
cause the  Hong  Kong  Gang  has  seen  fit  to  divert  for  its  own  selfish 
purposes  the  revenues,  necessary  to  maintain  peace  and  order  in 
the  remote  districts  of  China.  What  Christian  government  on  earth 
can  maintain  order  on  the  pittance  of  five  or  even  seven  per  cent  ad 
valorem  duties?  How  much  of  its  generous  policing  could  England 
provide  with  this  pitiful  sum?  Bandits?  Why,  if  England  had  as 
little  money  to  run  its  government  as  China  it  would  be  ruled  from 
the  throne  of  King  George  by  “bandits”  far  ruder  than  those  of 
China.  Isn’t  it  about  time  that  we  no  longer  exploited  this  “strong 
government”  hocus  pocus,  to  hide  our  real  motives  of  trade  greed  and 
avarice?  How  long  does  a people  have  to  survive  to  prove  that  they 
are  strong?  Is  not  five  thousand  years  quite  sufficient  to  prove  that 
China  is  capable  of  self  rule?  What  virtues  of  peace  can  we  show  in 
our  own  government  to  compare  to  the  peaceful  life  of  Chinese  civil- 
ization? To  be  sure,  China  is  poor  and  poverty  means  lack  of  sani- 
tation and  many  other  lacks.  But,  what  is  the  cause  of  China’s  pov- 
erty today?  Can  any  one  deny  that  it  is  the  persistence  of  foreign 

23 


invasion  under  unequal  treaties,  that  bleed  white  the  whole  Chinese 
body  politic,  with  the  bloodletting  of  a privileged  foreign  trade? 
What  progress  would  even  our  own  bountiful  America  make  if  we 
had  been  enslaved  by  the  concerted  armed  power  of  the  whole 
Christian  world  for  eighty-three  years? 

GIVE  CHINA  A BREATHING  SPELL 

During  the  course  of  my  lectures  during  the  past  few  weeks  I 
have  had  gratifying  responses  from  American  audiences.  I might 
give  as  the  synoptic  expression  of  these  responses  the  query:  “Why 
not  at  least  give  China  a breathing  spell?”  Yes.  That  is  all  that 
China  wants ; just  a breathing  spell.  But  even  this  breathing  spell  the 
Hong  Kong  Gangsters  will  not  grant  China.  If  all  foreigners  were 
to  do  their  duty  toward  the  effort  for  world’s  peace,  and  leave  China 
at  once,  to  give  it  say  even  a five  years’  breathing  spell,  China  would 
be  unified  and  again  back  along  the  lines  of  reform  surveyed  for  it 
by  Sun  Yat  Sen.  So  long,  however,  as  foreigners  protected  by  foreign 
gunboats  continue  to  foment  internal  trouble  by  the  supply  of  great 
and  ruinous  supplies  of  war  material,  just  so  long  will  China  have  to 
wait  patiently  for  its  emancipation  by  a policy  of  non-resistance. 

THE  HONG  KONG  GANG  “HATE  ARTISTS” 

It  was  not  long  ago  since  we  paid  men  to  go  about  our  fair  land 
and  teach  us  to  hate  the  Germans.  We  thought  it  our  duty  to  hate 
the  Germans,  because  by  hating  the  Germans  we  thought  that  we 
could  make  our  brave  soldier  boys  die  happier  on  the  field  of  battle. 
These  paid  propaganda  hate  artists  told  us  many  lies.  We  didn’t  be- 
lieve them,  but  still  we  thought  it  our  duty  to  applaud  the  hate  artists, 
just  to  do  our  bit  to  help  win  the  war,  against  our  then  ferocious 
enemy,  the  Germans. 

Today  insiduous  forces  are  preaching  the  doctrine  of  hate  to 
America;  this  time  it  is  hatred  of  the  Chinese.  Think  of  it!  Wicked 
imperialistic  forces  are  trying  to  make  us  hate  the  nation  that  eco- 
nomically will  prove  our  savior  in  the  generations  to  come.  More- 
over, these  same  imperialistic  influences  are  trying  to  make  the  Chi- 
nese hate  us.  The  European  powers  are  safe  behind  our  skirts  from 
Asiatic  wrath.  They  know  that  the  only  way  that  Asia  can  avenge 
itself  on  Europe  is  over  our  dead  body.  America  is  a natural  Great 
Wall  that  protects  Europe  from  Asia.  So  it  is  good  Hong  Kong  Gang 
politics  to  strain  to  the  utmost  the  effort  to  create  hatred  between 
Asia  and  America.  “America  is  already  footing  the  bill  for  one  of 
our  wars,  so  why  not  get  another  war  started  for  America,  as  long 
as  the  getting  is  good?”  is  the  logic  of  the  Hong  Kong  Gang,  as  it 
sends  its  hate  artists  out  to  stir  up  hatred  between  China  and 
America.  Europe  has  nothing  to  lose  and  everything  to  gain  (mater- 
ially not  spiritually)  in  creating  hate  on  the  Pacific.  The  Pacific  is 
not  their  ocean.  It  is  the  ocean  of  America  and  Asia.  China  pro- 
poses that  since  China  and  America  are  the  most  interested  of  all 
nations  in  the  control  of  this  sea,  that  it  be  controlled  by  friendship 
between  these  countries.  To  this  I am  sure  that  Japan  as  the  third 
most  interested  nation  would  gladly  assent.  Imperialistic  Europe 
however,  is  seeing  to  it  (through  its  prophet,  the  Hong  Kong  Gang) 
that  at  the  very  first  opportunity  there  shall  be  a century  long  strug- 
gle on  the  Pacific  for  the  mastery  of  its  great  expanse  and  for  the 
benefit  of  Imperialistic  Europe.  With  such  a struggle  for  the  mastery 
of  the  Pacific,  Imperialistic  Europe  could  gorge  itself  to  the  fullest  on 
the  profits  of  a long,  protracted  and  never  ending  war,  between 
America  and  the  other  nations  of  the  Pacific,  knowing  all  the  while 
that  Imperialism  would  be  safe  as  long  as  America  could  stand  up  to 
' 24 


this  war  to  a finish.  But  unfortunately  for  the  plans  of  Imperialism 
there  is  a land  called  Soviet  Russia,  which  seems  to  be  quite  a large 
affair  on  the  map,  and  perhaps  not  so  unsuccessful  as  many  of  us 
would  like  to  believe.  Is  it  not  to  our  shame  that  Russia,  as  an  ad- 
ministrative expression,  appears  to  the  Chinese  as  the  only  friend 
that  China  has  today? 

CHINA  CANNOT  BE  BOLSHEVIST  BUT  CAN  BE  A 
BOLSHEVIST  ALLY 

It  seems  strange  that  Russia  should  ever  have  been  as  generous  as 
she  has  toward  China  in  the  voluntary  abrogation  of  the  unequal  treat- 
ies, and  other  expressions  of  helpful  friendship,  for  Russia  as  a neigh- 
bor knows  that  China  can  never  be  Soviet.  This  is  not  the  place  to 
enter  into  a communistic  discussion,  for  communism  is  a relative  term 
that  would  take  us  nowhere  as  far  as  the  limited  purpose  of  this 
publication  is  concerned.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  within  the  ordinarily 
accepted  meaning  of  the  words  “Communism  and  red”,  that  China 
can  never  be  “red  communistic,”  for  the  following  three  reasons 
stated  as  briefly  as  possible: 

(1)  In  China  there  is  no  landlordism;  (2)  no  capitalism;  (3) 
no  alternative  to  the  rule  of  family  autonomy.  The  purpose  of  com- 
munism is  to  destroy  the  first  two  (which  do  not  exist  in  China)  and 
communism  would  fail  in  China  moreover,  because  there  is  no  system 
of  communism  yet  invented  that  recognizes  the  supremacy  of  the 
family  over  the  individual.  That  is  to  say,  family  communism  in 
China  is  directly  and  irrevocably  opposed  to  soviet  individual  com- 
munism. This,  however,  does  not  mean  that  if  the  Christian  nations 
of  the  world  continue  to  enslave  economic  China,  that  political  China 
will  not  turn  to  Soviet  Russia  as  the  only  alternative  between  eco- 
nomic slavery  and  economic  freedom.  Hence  we  see  the  peril  in 
which  true  democracy  finds  itself  today  in  China.  China  enslaved  by 
imperialism  in  order  to  free  itself  from  imperialism  must  (unless  as- 
sisted by  America)  turn  to  Russia  to  escape  destruction.  It  is  easy 
to  understand  that  our  cause  in  common  with  China  in  our  defense 
of  our  democracy  against  imperialism,  for  imperialism  is  utterly  op- 
posed to  true  democracy  such  as  found  in  America  and  China.  Laugh 
if  you  will  at  Chinese  democracy,  but  only  after  you  have  lived  (not 
in  a missionary  compound)  at  least  a few  years  among  actual  Chinese, 
and  I think  then  that  you  will  agree  with  me  that  if  there  was  ever 
a democratic  country  in  the  fullest  sense  of  being  governed  by  the 
voice  of  the  people,  it  is  China.  Accepting  China  as  a democracy, 
we  readily  perceive  the  danger  we  incur  in  making  alliances  with  im- 
perialism to  enslave  Chinese  democracy,  for  we  are  thereby  cutting- 
off,  so  to  speak,  our  chief  support  of  the  world’s  scant  democratic 
influence. 

SOVIET  EUROPE 

I trust  that  I have  profited  sufficiently  by  the  many  voyages  and 
long  sojourns  that  I have  made  in  Europe  to  understand  something 
of  the  communistic  reaction  of  Europe  and  England  after  the  great 
war.  Very  reluctantly  I have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is 
serious  reason  to  believe  that  all  Europe,  including  England,  will 
follow  the  lead  of  Soviet  Russia,  perhaps  well  within  the  present  gen- 
eration, if  imperialism  continues  to  disregard  the  rights  of  men.  I 
am  satisfied  that  with  the  proper  conduct  of  our  own  American  gov- 
ernment and  by  holding  true  to  the  precepts  of  our  forbears,  that 
we  shall  escape  this  great  deluge  of  Sovietism,  if  we  join  with  China 
and  help  China  strike  away  the  chains  of  imperialism.  I shall  not 
argue  this  matter,  except  with  those  who  have  had  equal  opportu- 


nities  to  make  first  hand  observations  in  England,  in  Europe  and  Asia 
as  have  I.  The  questions  involved  are  not  to  be  answered  by  en- 
cyclopaedias or  histories,  for  the  political  conditions  of  the  whole 
world  today  are  so  utterly  different  from  what  have  gone  before,  that 
we  find  naught  in  our  own  experience  as  men,  nor  yet  in  the  whole 
store  of  human  wisdom,  to  serve  us  in  the  present  extreme. 
In  this  threatened  parting  of  the  international  ways  I shall,  of  course, 
follow  my  country,  for  right  or  wrong.  America  is  my  country.  I shall 
add  nothing  to  the  embarrassment  of  the  hour  by  criticism  of  official 
conduct,  but  as  an  American  citizen  in  possession  of  first  hand  in- 
formation concerning  the  political  conditions  involved  I believe  it  to 
be  my  duty,  as  an  American  citizen,  to  declare  that  friendship  with 
China  is  the  greatest  prize  ever  offered  the  American  people,  and 
the  only  influence  on  earth  today  that  will  make  the  meaning  of  our 
constitution  what  its  creators  intended  it  to  be. 

ATLANTIC  AND  PACIFIC  NEIGHBORS  COMPARED 

I wonder  if  we  reflect  sufficiently  upon  the  great  value  of  our 
Asiatic  propiniquity.  Do  we  realize  that,  if  properly  considered,  the 
greatest  boon  of  America  is  its  nearness  to  China?  China,  the  land 
of  eternal  peace,  at  least  as  far  as  the  West  will  allow  it  to  be!  Where 
would  we  have  been  now  if  during  the  brief  century  and  a half  of 
our  national  existence  China  (as  large  as  all  Europe  and  more  popul- 
ous) had  been  a warring  country,  such  as  Europe  and  England,  rather 
than  a land  of  peace?  Is  it  not  pleasing  to  reflect  that  China  has  left 
us  alone,  when  England  and  Europe  have  embroiled  us  in  wars? 
While  Europe  and  England  are  straining  every  effort  of  its  citizens 
and  subjects  to  prepare  for  future  wars,  and  to  pay  something  for 
past  wars,  China  refuses  to  join  in  the  great  councils  of  waste  and 
carnage.  Should  this  thought  alone  not  make  us  want  China  as  a 
friend  ? 

CHINA  AT  THE  FRONT  DOOR  OF  AMERICA 

Our  great  sacrifices  in  the  World  war  proved  to  most  American 
citizens  that  Alliances  with  our  Atlantic  neighbors  are  not  at  all 
desirable.  By  leaps  and  bounds  our  interests  will  direct  themselves 
to  China’s  shores.  The  Atlantic  coast  will  become  the  back  door  of 
America  and  the  Pacific  coast  will  be  the  veritable  Golden  Gate  of 
America’s  abundance.  Yes,  this  forecast  is  certain — if  we  have 
peace.  Peace  with  China  would  be  cheap  at  even  the  cost  of  the 
greatest  sacrifices.  To  conserve  our  friendship  with  China  we  could 
afford  to  cancel  all  our  huge  war  credits  in  Europe.  We  could  even 
agree  to  give  decrepit  Europe  a pension  for  whole  generations,  for 
this  peace.  For  it  is  the  sine  qua  non  of  our  national  existence. 
European  intrigue  and  jealousy  however  will  do  all  that  in  its  power 
lies  to  prevent  our  alliance  with  China.  Imperialism  will  go  to  the 
utmost  to  build  up  a barrier  of  hate  between  these  two  great  democ- 
racies. When  we  have  established  our  trade  conditions  with  China, 
they  will  not  cease  to  continue  their  efforts  to  destroy  this  friendship 
so  essential  to  the  existence  of  both  democracies  and  so  necessary  to 
maintain  peace  on  the  Pacific. 

A GOOD  WORD  FOR  JAPAN 

Many  many  times  have  I heard  the  expression  from  American  lips, 
“I  like  the  Chinaman,  but  I have  no  use  for  the  Jap.”  This  sort  of 
an  expression  is  not  pleasing  to  the  Chinese.  He  does  not  care  to  be 
praised  at  the  expense  of  another.  Japan  is  a great  and  powerful 
nation,  by  its  brilliant,  enterprising  culture,  commanding  the  respect 
of  the  whole  world.  There  is  no  reason  why  America  should  have 

26 


any  wrangle  with  Japan  over  China’s  enormous  trade,  for  there  is 
enough  for  both  countries,  as  well  as  for  the  whole  world  for  that 
matter.  The  Japanese  have  shown  themselves  to  be  of  a more  really 
Christian  attitude  than  we,  for  in  their  acceptance  of  our  exclusion 
acts  (rude  indeed  compared  with  those  of  Australia),  they  have 
proved  to  us  a diplomatic  high  mindeness  that  should  command 
our  admiration.  I passed  through  Tsushima  straits  in  1904  just 
a few  hours  before  the  great  naval  battle  was  fought  there,  and  there 
was  hardly  one  foreigner  on  the  whole  ship  who  expressed  any  sym- 
pathy with  Japan  or  hope  that  it  would  win.  But  win  Japan  did,  and 
any  forecast  of  the  future  history  of  the  world  will  have  to  consider 
most  respectfully  and  seriously  the  enormous  power  of  courageous 
Japan.  Any  derogation  of  Japan  is  a greater  self  derogation  of 
the  derogator;  for  if  there  is  a nation  on  earth  that  knows  more 
nearly  than  another  what  the  morrow  will  bring  forth,  it  is  Japan. 
And  incidentally,  a nation  that  knows  what  it  is  doing,  is  rather  rare 
today,  for  most  nations  stagger  and  stumble  along  under  their  heavy 
loads  of  militarism,  pulling  themselves  out  of  the  bog  of  one  blunder, 
only  to  plunge  more  deeply  into  another.  China  wants  Japanese 
friendship  and  it  is  our  duty  to  help  cultivate  this  friendship  for 
motives  of  peace  on  the  Pacific.  Japanese  friendship  is  likewise  a 
prize  for  which  we  should  put  forth  our  best  endeavors. 

OUR  FOREIGN  POLICY 

China  has  “made  good”  with  us,  but  thus  far  we  have  not  “made 
good”  with  China.  Why?  Because  of  an  erroneous  conception  of 
foreign  policy  which  happens  to  prevail  at  the  present  time.  And 
who  makes  this  foreign  policy?  The  President?  No.  The  people? 
No!  Neither  the  people  nor  their  chief  executive  could  take  the  time 
to  follow  from  day  to  day  the  complication  of  foreign  affairs  that 
brings  out  an  expression  of  our  attitude,  and  which  send  our  gunships 
and  our  marines  to  the  distant  seas.  Our  President  should  not  be 
blamed  for  mistakes  of  foreign  policy.  The  President  has  all  that 
he  can  do  to  keep  up  with  even  a part  of  the  domestic  complications 
of  our  intricately  formed  and  organized  government.  Who  then, 
shapes  our  foreign  policy?  Our  State  Department  acting  upon  in- 
fluential pressure  in  connection  with  a variety  of  other  influences, 
chiefly  financial,  is  responsible  for  the  expression  of  the  so-called 
“foreign  policies,”  these  foreign  policies  being  really  only  home  poli- 
cies on  the  financial  outlook  abroad.  The  dollar  the  world  over  is 
the  chief  argument  in  such  policies.  Foreign  policies  are  extremely 
cold  blooded,  and  rarely  does  the  flicker  of  emotional  reaction  enter 
into  them,  unless  there  is  a special  campaign  made  to  rouse  up  the 
people  in  such  behalf.  Hence,  should  the  English  partners  of  an 
International  banking  institution  declare  to  their  American  partners, 
that  British  loss  of  trade,  by  reason  of  the  emancipation  of  China 
from  British  control,  would  result  in  the  loss  of  Chinese  markets,  and 
likewise  the  loss  of  the  East  Indian  markets  as  well,  it  is  not  hard  to 
realize  a favorable  reaction  on  the  part  of  certain  influences  in  our 
State  Department.  The  protection  of  the  dollar  and  the  pound 
sterling  is  paramount.  This  reaction  is  favored  because  never  have 
England  and  America  been  so  entangled  in  finances  as  today.  It  is 
very  hard  to  discover  where  the  British  Lion’s  tail  ends,  and  the 
American  Eagle’s  wing  begins.  Moreover,  for  years  our  State  De- 
partment has  been  modeling  itself  after  the  British  caste  system  of 
diplomacy,  and  our  diplomatic  service  has  now  become  a service  by 
the  rich.  This  a scrutiny  of  the  fortunes  of  our  half  hundred  State 
Department  officials  in  diplomatic  missions  abroad  will  show.  Of 

27 


course,  there  are  some  half  thousand  of  State  Department  officials 
at  Washington,  and  not  all  of  these  are  rich,  but  whatever  their  con- 
dition of  fortune,  they  are  under  the  perceptive  influence  of  large 
wealth. 

With  certain  numerous  and  conspicuous  exceptions,  wealth  loves 
the  caste  system.  The  rich  seek  the  companionship  of  the  rich,  and 
the  inner  circle  of  the  King’s  favor  is  the  shrine  where  the  worship 
of  the  Golden  Calf  obtains  its  most  exotic  expression.  And  why  not? 
As  long  as  the  extreme  rich  can  thus  withdraw  from  the  suffering  pov- 
erty of  the  world  of  labor,  without  inflicting  the  hardship  of  war 
and  other  suffering  upon  the  people — why  not?  But  otherwise — 
why?  Does  it  not  seem  that  we  need  more  Benjamin  Franklins  in 
our  diplomatic  service  and  fewer  of  those  who  love  to  approach  the 
gilded  thrones  of  caste  system  power?  If  the  American  people  could 
rid  themselves  of  all  throne  influences,  there  would  be  an  happily 
different  condition  in  China  today. 

WESTERN  CAPITALIST  CIVILIZATION  AND  CHINESE 
CULTURAL  CIVILIZATION 

When  I first  visited  China  a quarter  of  a century  ago,  the  Chinese 
millionaire  was  unknown.  Even  now  the  Chinese  rich  man  is  a 
rarity.  We  number  our  millionaires  by  the  thirty  thousand.  Even 
at  this  late  day  you  can  count  those  of  the  Chinese  by  the  half 
dozens.  Why?  Because  the  whole  force  of  our  Western  civilization 
is  to  encourage  the  accumulation  of  mere  physical  wealth,  while 
China  encourages  learning  and  scholarship.  The  millionaire  is  our 
superman,  our  demi-god,  our  benefactor,  the  favorite  and  privileged 
son  of  the  whole  tribe,  our  Triton  among  the  minnows.  Respect  is 
due  to  him  as  to  no  other.  It  does  not  matter  how  he  has  made  his 
wealth.  It  suffices  that  he  has  wealth,  and  is  out  of  jail;  then  indeed 
do  we  extol  his  virtues. 

The  Chinese  scholar  is  as  high  even  today  in  the  Chinese  estimate 
as  the  millionaire  is  in  ours.  The  Chinese  scholar  may  be  poor  in 
the  extreme,  but  he  has  the  respect  of  the  whole  multitude.  The 
treasures  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of  capitalists  may  mean  war; 
the  treasures  of  scholarship  in  a school  of  philosophy  means  peace. 
It  took  our  civilization  five  thousand  years  to  catch  up  with  the 
Chinese.  Perhaps  we  are  not  as  far  ahead  of  them  even  now  as  we 
think,  in  the  glory  of  our  present  gunboat  days. 

For  after  all  the  civilization  of  scholarship  means  happiness,  happi- 
ness even  in  penury.  Isn’t  happiness  worth  more  than  a bank  account 
of  seven  figures?  The  Chinese  still  think  that  it  is. 

********* 

CONCLUSIONS  FROM  THE  SYNOPTIC  STATEMENT 

We  shall  here  abruptly  end  an  attempt  to  recite  some  at  least  of 
the  statement  of  facts,  which  I set  forth  in  the  speaking  campaign 
above  mentioned.  This  statement  of  fact,  lengthy  as  it  is,  is  alto- 
gether insufficient  to  inform  the  reader,  so  that  he  may  more  fully 
appreciate  the  abbreviated  deductions  and  conclusions  which  I shall 
now  make  concerning  the  attitude  of  the  public  mind  in  America,  as 
expressed  in  the  following  ways: 

REACTION  OF  AMERICAN  WOMEN 

The  most  pleasant  feature  of  this  speaking  tour  has  been  the  sympa- 
thetic support  offered  by  the  women.  After  so  many  absences  in 
China  I was  surprised  to  find  that  our  American  women  are  for  the 
most  part  better  informed  concerning  China  and  more  interested  in 

28 


its  struggle  for  political  freedom  than  the  average  of  our  American 
men.  This  may  be  due  to  the  greater  measure  of  leisure  of  American 
women,  in  part,  but  more  largely  because  the  natural  sympathy  of 
women  is  more  easily  aroused  than  that  of  men. 

REACTION  OF  AMERICAN  MEN 

But  what  I have  just  said  concerning  the  women  is  no  derogation 
of  the  interest  of  our  American  men,  for  I was  indeed  gratified  with 
the  lively  interest  they  manifested,  and  their  eagerness  to  be  further 
informed.  The  clear-headed  purposes  of  American  manhood  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  many  original  questions  asked  and  the  counter- 
arguments presented.  I did  not,  however,  find  that  the  men  were 
as  a rule  as  well  informed  as  the  women,  as  I have  above  suggested, 
as  their  questions  indicated. 

REACTION  OF  THE  PRESS 

Both  in  the  announcement  of  the  meetings  and  in  sometimes  an 
extended  report  of  the  same,  I was  likewise  gratified,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  one  instance.  This  paper  at  first  did  me  a great  deal  of 
harm  by  garbling  up  and  misrepresenting  through  a whole  column 
length,  a report  of  one  of  my  speeches.  But  on  the  theory  that  this 
particular  newspaper  followed  the  policy  of  always  trying  to  make 
it  appear  that  the  man  bit  the  dog,  when  really  it  was  the  dog  that 
bit  the  man,  I passed  the  matter  over  in  silence,  with  the  happy  result 
that  it  was  not  long  before  I had  more  invitations  to  speak  before 
conservative  societies  than  ever  before. 

REACTION  OF  THE  “REDS” 

One  of  the  two  painful  experiences  of  my  meetings  occurred  when 
I addressed  an  audience  of  nearly  a thousand,  among  whom  a large 
per  cent  were  reported  to  be  “red.”  Patiently  this  large  audience 
listened  quietly  and  respectfully  through  an  hour’s  statement  of  facts, 
concerning  conditions  in  China,  only  to  burst  out  into  an  uproar  of 
rage  when  I declared  that  Sun  Yat  Sen  was  not  a “red,”  that  he  did 
not  get  the  inspiration  of  his  genius  from  Lenine  and  that  the  Chinese 
moreover  could  not  become  communistic  because  of  the  reasons  which 
I have  already  stated  in  the  foregoing  synoptic  statement.  The  “Reds” 
even  turned  their  denunciation  of  injured  innocence  against  the  very 
competent  chairman,  accusing  him  of  having  “double  crossed”  them 
by  having  invited  me  to  tell  lies  concerning  China,  when  they  wanted 
the  pure  communistic  truth.  The  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth  was 
such  that  even  in  the  bedlam  and  uproar  of  the  disappointed  “reds” 
I could  not  help  laughing,  which  heaped  additional  fuel  upon  the  fury 
of  their  wrath. 

REACTION  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES 

I regret  to  say  that  in  one  of  my  speeches  the  wrath  of  the  mis- 
sionary influence  expressed  itself  in  a way  which  pained  me.  While 
talking  before  one  of  the  leading  clubs  of  Los  Angeles,  a gentleman 
member  of  the  club  challenged  my  remarks  concerning  the  mission- 
aries and  demanded  that  the  chairman  allow  a missionary  guest  of 
his,  then  present,  to  address  the  meeting  in  my  contradiction.  Al- 
though I yielded  my  right  as  speaker  the  chairman  rapped  for  order 
and  very  generously  asked  me  to  continue.  Subsequently  the  mis- 
sionary gniest  was  allowed  to  address  the  club  at  a later  date.  I am 
informed  that  the  missionary  guest  gave  a very  able  talk  on  China, 
but  that  he  did  not  answer  in  any  wise  my  own  statements  concerning 
missionaries  in  China,  limiting  himself  in  this  regard  (if  I am  prop- 
erly informed)  to  the  conclusion  that  China’s  progress  began  with 
the  missionaries’  coming  to  China  and  would  cease  if  the  missionaries 
left  China.  I shall  make  no  comment  on  this  conclusion. 

29 


REACTIONS  OF  PATRIOTIC  ORGANIZATIONS 

Before  we  had  actually  fired  upon  the  Chinese,  certain  patriotic 
organizations  were  strong  for  friendship  and  no  interference  with 
China.  After  the  first  firing  of  our  American  guns  in  China,  I was 
one  of  the  first  to  agree  with  them,  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  allow 
any  expression  of  opinion  concerning  our  armed  occupation  of  China. 
In  such  an  organization  there  is  always  more  or  less  of  a division  of 
opinion,  and  moreover,  the  Great  War  taught  us  the  need  of  with- 
holding organization  effort,  for  other  purposes  than  the  expression 
of  political  opinions.  The  individual  may  speak  from  his  own  ex- 
perience and  enlighten  his  fellows  upon  certain  conditions  upon  which 
his  fellow  citizens  are  not  informed.  This  is  his  individual  duty  as 
an  American  citizen.  When,  however,  this  mere  personal  experience 
hardens  itself  into  an  organization  expression  of  approval  or  censure, 
it  will  do  perhaps  harm  as  well  as  good.  Hence,  I considered  it  my 
duty  to  withdraw  from  speechmaking  along  this  line. 

INDIVIDUAL  CANVASS  FOR  EXPRESSIONS 
One  of  the  most  illuminating  reactions  I had  was  not  from  speech- 
making, but  rather  from  an  individual  limited  canvass  of  American 
men,  in  perhaps  all  usual  employments  of  life  and  of  all  conditions 
of  financial  dependence  or  independence.  This  canvassing  brought 
indeed  gratifying  results,  for  there  was  none  of  the  formal  tension, 
that  public  speaking  entails,  between  me  and  the  reaction.  I have 
not  space  to  tell  the  method  of  this  canvass,  which,  unfortunately, 
was  very  limited  and  rather  more  casual  than  I would  have  wished. 
I was  delighted  to  find  how  very  generally  the  basic  principles  of  our 
own  democracy  expressed  with  eloquence  a protest  against  the  im- 
perialistic strangling  of  China,  in  such  expressions  as:  “Why  don’t 
they  leave  China  alone?”  “Why  not  let  China  have  its  own  rule?” 
“It’s  our  revolution  of  1776  transplanted  to  China.”  I regret  to  say 
that  during  this  personal  canvass  there  were  a few  who  declined  to 
answer,  for  a reason  that  may  be  summed  up  in  the  remark  of  one 
of  them,  who  declared  in  a low  tone:  “I’ve  got  a family  to  support, 
and  well — fellows  get  fired  mighty  quick,  when  they  get  to  talking 
politics  with  strangers.” 

NO  CHINESE  PROPAGANDA  IN  AMERICA 
Nationalist  China  has  no  money  for  propaganda  work  in  this  great 
struggle  for  its  freedom.  Hence,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  our 
American  citizenship  is  quick  to  favor  him  “who  hath  his  quarrel 
just,”  Chinese  Nationalism  would  suffer  greatly  by  the  deluge  of  im- 
perialistic propaganda,  which  is  daily  flooding  our  country.  So,  in 
this  hour  of  their  extremity,  the  Chinese  Nationalists  cannot  deny 
the  false  news  that  is  published  against  it.  The  Chinese  Nationalists 
can,  however,  rest  assured  that  America  has  not,  and  never  will,  for- 
sake the  purposes  for  which  it  was  founded.  The  spirit  of  our  con- 
stitution as  built  up  by  the  sacrifices  of  our  forbears,  is  stronger  than 
any  of  the  forces  of  Militaristic  Imperialism,  yes,  stronger  than  even 
the  greed  and  avarice  of  the  most  selfish  power.  This  spirit  of  the 
constitution  is  in  the  hearts  of  our  American  people  today  just  as  it 
was  in  the  beginning.  It  is  to  that  spirit  that  the  patriots  of  Nation- 
alist China  appeal,  and  it  is  that  spirit  that  will  eventually  be  their 
strong  ally.  Imperialism  may  triumph  today,  but  the  spirit  of  the 
American  Constitution  will  triumph  tomorrow,  when  there  will  be 
a renewal  of  the  truth  that  all  men  are  created  equal  and  there 
shall  be 

A concord  of  hearts,  and  a labor  of  hands. 

With  Peace  to  bless  ours,  and  China’s  fair  lands. 

30 


“An  Authoritative  Biography” 
International  Book  Review 


To  know  Chinese  Nationalism,  you  must  read  the  story  of  its  crea- 
tor: Dr.  Sun  Yat  Sen,  who  will  be  known  eventually  as  the  greatest 
political  leader  of  all  time. 

Judge  Linebarger  prepared  this  story,  in  direct  contact  with  Dr. 
Sun.  Dr.  Sun  in  fact  wrote  some  of  the  pages  of 

“SUN  YAT  SEN  AND  THE  CHINESE  REPUBLIC” 

by 

PAUL  LINEBARGER 

Century  and  Company,  353  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York,  Publishers. 
Nearly  four  hundred  pages  with  many  illustrations.  Cloth  bound 

$4.00 

NOTE — The  above  contains  about  half  of  the  materials  assembled  by 
Judge  Linebarger,  as  biographical  data,  in  direct  contact  with  Dr. 
Sun.  A supplement  will  appear  in  a new  volume  when  Chinese 
Nationalist  publications  of  another  authoritative  source  have  been 
published.  The  volume  already  published,  however,  is  essential  to 
an  understanding  of  the  great  reformer,  and  his  movement. 


OTHER  PAMPHLETS 

In  preparation  by  the  same  author: 

Sunyatsenism  and  World  Peace. 

The  Sowing  of  the  Wind  in  China. 

Western  Capitalist  Civilization  and  Chinese  Cultural  Civilization. 
Gunboat  Folly  in  China. 

A Chinese-American  Entente  Essential  to  Peace  on  the  Pacific. 
Old  Glory;  Invincible  and  Eternal,  with  China’s  Friendship. 

What  Chinese  Friendship  Means  to  American  Labor. 

For  prices  in  thousand  lots  please  address 


Secretary,  Kuo  Min  Tang 

Los  Angeles,  California,  U.  S.  A. 


424  N.  Los  Angeles  Street 


NOTE — This  publication  is  issued  by  the  Chinese 
Nationalist  Party,  (Kuo  Min  Tang),  Los  Angeles 
Branch,  California.  Copies  may  be  obtained  by 
addressing — 

Jackson  P*  Kwan 

Secretary 

424  N.  Los  Angeles  Street, 

Los  Angeles,  California,  U.  S.  A. 


West  Coast  Publishing  Co.,  Inc. 
Publishers 


